YV\\^t.  o» 


u.\.S 


V 


4th  Liberty  Loan 


^s      Handbook  for 

p  Speakers 


Furnished  by 

THE  \TREASURY  DEPARTMENT 

WAR  I.OAN  ORGANIZATION 

WASHINGTON.  D.  C. 


\ 


^ 


V 


WASHINGTON 
1918 


*'  Now  therefore  go,  and  I  will  be 
with  thy  mouth,  and  teach  thee 
what  thou  shalt  say." 

Exodus  iv,  12 


Table  of  Contents 


PAGE 


Foreword  ix 

President  Wilson's  Address  at  Balti- 
more, April  6,  1918  1 


Points  for  Speakers 
to  put  before  Local  Committees 

1.  Work  to  be  done  by  local  Liberty  Loan 

Committee  9 

2.  How  to  plan  and  hold  Patriotic  Meetings  13 

3.  How  to  use  Posters  19 

4.  How  to  use  Motion  Pictures  20 

II 

The  Art  of  Making  a  Speech 

1.  Putting  your  message  across  21 

2.  Outline  for  Speech  26 

3.  Points  of  Appeal  27 

4.  Objections  to  be  met  29 

III 

Facts  About  Liberty  Bonds 

1.  WTiat  a  Liberty  Bond  is  30 

2.  The  two  kinds  of  Bonds  30 

3.  Security  34 


IV 

Facts  That  Sell  Bonds 

PAGE 

1.  WTiy  we  all  must  buy  Liberty  Bonds  35 

2.  The  Boys  in  France  40 

3.  Germany's  plans  for  World  Dominion  42 

4.  Our  tradition  of  Freedom  45 

5.  Sources  of  Revenue — Taxes  and  Bonds  48 

6.  Necessity  for  individual  subscriptions  48 

7.  Why  you  should  hold  your  Liberty  Bonds  50 

8.  Thrift  and  the  need  of  personal  sacrifice  52 

9.  Saving  for  the  next  Loan  54 

V 

The  National  Need  for  Thrift 

1.  Conservation  of  materials  and  labor  57 

2.  When  we  buy  things  we  don't  need,  we 

help  the  Hun  57 

3.  We  must  not  "spend  as  usual"  60 

VI 

Striking  Statements  and  Speeches 

1.  "A  Scrap  of  Paper" — ^Prize  Essay  63 

2.  Statement  by  Dr.  Lyman  Abbott  64 

3.  Speech  by  Rudyard  Kipling  68 

4.  Speech  by  Asst.  Secretary  of  War  Crowell  70 

5.  Speech  to  Women  by  Katherine  Synon  71 

6.  Speech  to  Farmers  by  Herbert  Quick  76 

7.  Speech  to  Industrial  W^orkers  by  William 

Mather  Lewis  79 

8.  Speech   to   School   Children   by   W'illiam 

Mather  Lewis  85 


VII 

Quotations  and  Stories 


PAGE 


1.  Poetry  on  the  war  88 

2.  Quotations  for  use  in  speeches  96 

3.  Short  stories  of  sacrifice  and  heroism  105 

VIII 

Figures 

1.  The  Cost  of  the  War  and  Statistics 

on  War  Debts  108 

2.  What  your  Bonds  have  bought  112 

3.  Make  your  dollars  fight  113 


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Foreword 

The  success  of  each  of  the  preceding  Liberty 
Loan  Campaigns  has  given  every  good  citizen 
new  cause  for  pride  in  his  country.  Each  has 
surpassed  all  reasonable  expectations,  and  in 
addition  to  the  direct  result  of  securing  from 
millions  of  loyal  Americans  the  investment  in 
billions  of  Liberty  Bonds,  each  campaign  has 
been  a  great  patriotic  revival. 

Many  thousands  of  unselfish  men  and 
women  have  rendered  devoted  service,  and 
they  with  countless  others  are  now  preparing 
to  do  even  greater  work  for  the  Fourth 
Liberty  Loan. 

Of  these,  no  one  has  been  of  greater  impor- 
tance than  the  public  speaker. 

Secretary  McAdoo  and  those  having  the 
War  Loan  organization  in  charge  are  grateful 
to  the  thousands  of  men  and  women  who  thus 
bring  to  millions  of  people  the  message  of 
their  country's  needs. 

All  are  asked  to  prepare  themselves  at  once 
for  an  even  greater  task  in  the  Fourth  Liberty 
Loan. 

We  need  not  deal  in  promises  alone,  but  can 
[ix] 


well  offer  as  a  reason  for  the  purchase  of 
Liberty  Bonds  the  great  things  that  already 
have  been  achieved  by  a  united  nation. 

Of  the  four  great  Liberty  Loans,  the  Fourth 
should  be  and  must  be  the  most  successful 
of  all. 


SPEAKERS   BUREAU 

War  Loan  Organization 

Treasury  Department 

Washington 


[x 


President  Wilson 
on  the  Liberty  Loan 

[From  an  Address  delivered  at  Baltimore,  April  6,  1918] 

The  Nation  is  awake.  There  is  no  need  to 
call  to  it.  We  know  what  the  war  must  cost — 
our  utmost  sacrifice,  the  Hves  of  our  fittest 
men  and,  if  need  be,  all  that  Vv^e  possess. 
The  loan  we  are  met  to  discuss  is  one  of  the 
least  parts  of  what  we  are  called  upon  to 
give  and  to  do,  though  in  itself  imperative. 
The  people  of  the  whole  country  are  alive  to 
the  necessity  of  it,  and  are  ready  to  lend  to 
the  utmost,  even  where  it  involves  a  sharp 
skimping  and  daily  sacrifice  to  lend  out  of 
meagre  earnings.  They  will  look  with  repro- 
bation and  contempt  upon  those  who  can 
and  will  not,  upon  those  who  demand  a 
higher  rate  of  interest,  upon  those  who  think 
of  it  as  a  mere  commercial  transaction.  I 
have  not  come,  therefore,  to  urge  the  loan. 
I  have  come  only  to  give  you,  if  I  can,  a 
more  vivid  conception  of  what  it  is  for. 

The  Reasons  for  the  War 
The  reasons  for  this  great  war,  the  reason 
why  it  had  to  come,  the  need  to  fight  it 
through,  and  the  issues  that  hang  upon  its 
outcome,  are  more  clearly  disclosed  than  ever 
before.  It  is  easy  to  see  just  what  this  par- 
ticular loan  means  because  the  Cause  we  are 
[1] 


fighting  for  stands  more  sharply  revealed 
than  at  any  previous  crisis  of  the  momentous 
struggle.  The  man  who  knows  least  can  now 
see  plainly  how  the  cause  of  Justice  stands 
and  what  the  imperishable  thing  is  he  is 
asked  to  invest  in.  Men  in  America  may  be 
more  sure  than  they  ever  were  before  that 
the  cause  is  their  own,  and  that,  if  it  should 
be  lost,  their  own  great  Nation's  place  and 
mission  in  the  world  would  be  lost  with  it. 

I  call  you  to  witness,  my  fellow  country- 
men, that  at  no  stage  of  this  terrible  busi- 
ness have  I  judged  the  purposes  of  Germany 
intemperately.  I  should  be  ashamed  in  the 
presence  of  affairs  so  grave,  so  fraught  with 
the  destinies  of  mankind  throughout  all  the 
world,  to  speak  with  truculence,  to  use  the 
weak  language  of  hatred  or  vindictive  pur- 
pose. We  must  judge  as  we  would  be  judged. 
I  have  sought  to  learn  the  objects  Germany 
has  in  this  war  from  the  mouths  of  her  own 
spokesmen,  and  to  deal  as  frankly  with  them 
as  I  wished  them  to  deal  with  me.  I  have  laid 
bare  our  own  ideals,  our  own  purposes,  with- 
out reserve  or  doubtful  phrase,  and  have  asked 
them  to  say  as  plainly  what  it  is  they  seek. 

We  have  ourselves  proposed  no  injustice, 
no  aggression.  We  are  ready,  whenever  the 
final  reckoning  is  made,  to  be  just  to  the 
German  people,  deal  fairly  with  the  German 
power,  as  with  all  others.  There  can  be  no 
difiference  between  peoples  in  the  final  judg- 
[2] 


ment,  if  it  is  indeed  to  be  a  righteous  judg- 
ment. To  propose  anything  but  justice,  even- 
landed  and  dispassionate  justice,  to  Germany 
at  any  time,  whatever  the  outcome  of  the 
war,  would  be  to  renounce  and  dishonor  our 
own  cause.  For  we  ask  nothing  that  we  are 
not  willing  to  accord. 

Germany  wants  Dominion 
It  has  been  this  thought  that  I  have 
sought  to  learn  from  those  who  spoke  for 
Germany;  whether  it  was  justice,  or  domin- 
ion and  the  execution  of  their  own  will  upon 
the  other  nations  of  the  world  that  the  Ger- 
man leaders  were  seeking.  They  have  an- 
swered, answered  in  unmistakable  terms. 
They  have  avowed  that  it  was  not  justice 
but  dominion  and  the  unhindered  execution 
of  their  own  will. 

The  avowal  has  not  come  from  Germany's 
statesmen.  It  has  come  from  her  military 
leaders,  who  are  her  real  rulers.  Her  states- 
men have  said  that  they  wished  peace,  and 
were  ready  to  discuss  its  terms  whenever 
their  opponents  were  willing  to  sit  down  at 
the  conference  table  with  them.  Her  pres- 
ent Chancellor  has  said — in  indefinite  and 
uncertain  terms,  indeed,  and  in  phrases  that 
often  seem  to  deny  their  own  meaning,  but 
with  as  much  plainness  as  he  thought  pru- 
dent— that  he  believed  that  peace  should 
be  based  upon  the  principles  which  we  had 
[31 


declared  would  be  our  own  in  the  final  settle- 
ment. At  Brest-Litovsk  her  civilian  dele- 
gates spoke  in  similar  terms;  professed  their 
desire  to  conclude  a  fair  peace  and  accord  to 
the  peoples  with  whose  fortunes  they  were 
dealing  the  right  to  choose  their  own  alle- 
giances. But  action  accompanied  and  fol- 
lowed the  profession*  Their  military  masters, 
the  men  who  act  for  Germany  and  exhibit 
her  purpose  in  execution,  proclaimed  a  very 
different  conclusion.  We  cannot  mistake 
what  they  have  done, — in  Russia,  in  Fin- 
land, in  the  Ukraine,  in  Roumania.  The 
real  test  of  their  justice  and  fair  play  has 
come.  From  this  we  may  judge  the  rest. 
They  are  enjoying  in  Russia  a  cheap  triumph 
in  which  no  brave  or  gallant  nation  can  take 
pride.  A  great  people,  helpless  by  their  own 
act,  lies  for  the  time  at  their  mercy.  Their 
fair  professions  are  forgotten.  They  nowhere 
set  up  justice,  but  everywhere  impose  their 
power  and  exploit  everything  for  their  own 
use  and  aggrandizement;  and  the  peoples  of 
conquered  provinces  are  invited  to  be  free 
under  their  dominion! 

Germany  wants  a  free  hand  in  Russia 
Are  we  not  justified  in  believing  that  they 
would  do  the  same  things  at  their  western 
front  if  they  were  not  there  face  to  face  with 
armies  whom  even  their  countless  divisions 
cannot  overcome.'*  If,  when  they  have  felt 
[4] 


their  check  to  be  final,  they  should  propose 
favorable  and  equitable  terms  with  regard  to 
Belgium  and  France  and  Italy,  could  they 
blame  us  if  we  concluded  that  they  did  so 
only  to  assure  themselves  of  a  free  hand  in 
Russia  and  the  East? 

Their  purpose  is  undoubtedly  to  make  all 
the  Slavic  peoples,  all  the  free  and  ambitious 
nations  of  the  Baltic  peninsula,  all  the  lands 
that  Turkey  has  dominated  and  misruled, 
subject  to  their  will  and  ambition,  and  build 
upon  that  dominion  an  empire  of  force  upon 
which  they  fancy  that  they  can  then  erect  an 
empire  of  gain  and  commercial  supremacy, — 
an  empire  as  hostile  to  the  Americans  as  to 
the  Europe  which  it  will  overawe — an  empire 
which  will  ultimately  master  Persia,  India, 
and  the  peoples  of  the  Far  East.  In  such 
a  program  our  ideals,  the  ideals  of  justice 
and  humanity  and  liberty,  the  principles  of 
the  free  self-determination  of  nations  upon 
which  all  the  modern  world  insists,  can  play 
no  part.  They  are  rejected  for  the  ideals  of 
power,  for  the  principle  that  the  strong  must 
rule  the  weak,  that  trade  must  follow  the 
flag,  whether  those  to  whom  it  is  taken  wel- 
come it  or  not,  that  the  peoples  of  the  world 
are  to  be  made  subject  to  the  patronage  and 
overlordship  of  those  who  have  the  power  to 
enforce  it. 

That  program  once  carried  out,  America 
and  all  who  care  or  dare  to  stand  with  her 
[5] 


must  arm  and  prepare  themselves  to  contest 
the  mastery  of  the  World,  a  mastery  in  which 
the  rights  of  common  men,  the  right  of  women 
and  all  who  are  weak,  must  for  the  time  being 
be  trodden  under  foot  and  disregarded,  and 
the  old,  age-long  struggle  for  freedom  and 
right  begin  again  at  the  beginning.  Every- 
thing that  America  has  lived  for  and  loved 
and  grown  great  to  vindicate  and  bring  to  a 
glorious  realization  will  have  fallen  in  utter 
ruin  and  the  gates  of  mercy  once  more  piti- 
lessly shut  upon  manldnd! 

Germany  Judged  on  its  Record 
The  thing  is  preposterous  and  impossible; 
and  yet  is  not  that  what  the  whole  course  and 
action  of  the  German  armies  has  meant 
wherever  they  have  moved?  I  do  not  wish, 
even  in  this  moment  of  utter  disillusionment, 
to  judge  harshly  or  unrighteously.  I  judge 
only  what  the  German  arms  have  accom- 
plished with  unpitying  thoroughness  through- 
out every  fair  region  they  have  touched. 

"What,  then,  are  we  to  do.f*  For  myself,  I 
am  ready,  readj^  still,  ready  even  now,  to 
discuss  a  fair  and  just  and  honest  peace  at 
any  time  that  it  is  sincerely  proposed, — a 
peace  in  which  the  strong  and  weak  shall 
fare  alike.  But  the  answer,  when  I  pro- 
posed such  a  peace,  came  from  the  German 
commanders  in  Russia,  and  I  cannot  mistake 
the  meaning  of  the  answer. 
[6] 


I  accept  the  challenge.  I  know  that  you 
accept  it.  All  the  world  shall  know  that  you 
accept  it.  It  shall  appear  in  the  utter  sacri- 
fice and  self-forgetful  ness  with  which  we 
shall  give  all  that  we  love  and  all  that  we 
have  to  redeem  the  world  and  make  it  fit 
for  free  men  like  ourselves  to  live  in.  This 
now  is  the  meaning  of  all  that  we  do.  Let 
everything  that  we  say,  my  fellow  country- 
men, everything  that  we  henceforth  plan 
and  accomplish,  ring  true  to  this  response 
till  the  majesty  and  might  of  our  concerted 
power  shall  fill  the  thought  and  utterly  de- 
feat the  force  of  those  who  flout  and  mis- 
prize what  we  honor  and  hold  dear.  Ger- 
many has  once  more  said  that  force,  and 
force  alone,  shall  decide  whether  Justice  and 
peace  shall  reign  in  the  affairs  of  men,  whether 
Right  as  America  conceives  it  or  Dominion 
as  she  conceives  it  shall  determine  the  des- 
tinies of  mankind.  There  is,  therefore,  but 
one  response  possible  from  us:  Force,  Force 
to  the  utmost.  Force  without  stint  or  limit, 
the  righteous  and  triumphant  Force  which 
shall  make  Right  the  law  of  the  world,  and 
cast  every  selfish  dominion  down  in  the  dust. 


[7] 


Points  for  Speakers 
to  put  before  Local  Committees 

(1)  Work  to  be  done  by  local  Liberty 

Loan  Committee 

When  you  reach  a  city,  town  or  village,  you 
can  do  important  and  helpful  work. 

Get  in  touch  with  the  local  Liberty  Loan 
Committee,  and  see  that  they  are  doing  the 
things  set  out  below.  Possibly  you  might 
ask  them  to  meet  you  for  a  conference. 

L'se  the  Chart  of  Publicity  for  Selling  Lib- 
erty Bonds  on  pages  10  and  11,  to  suggest  to 
the  local  Committee  profitable  fields  of  action. 
It  might  be  well  to  check  off  on  that  chart 
the  activities  that  are  being  carried  on. 

In  all  publicity,  certain  ideas  should  be 
selected  to  dominate  the  c-ampaign.  In  order 
to  get  the  benefit  of  repetition  these  ideas 
should,  so  far  as  possible,  be  played  up  in 
every  form  of  publicity — oral,  printed  and 
pictured — that  is  used.  If,  for  instance,  we 
adopt  as  a  dominating  idea  "  support  our 
boys  in  the  trenches,"  this  thought  should 
be  brought  out  in  speeches,  advertisements, 
posters,  cartoons  and  pamphlets. 

The  first  thing  that  a  committee  must 
recognize  is  that  in  ortler  to  sell  the  amount 
[91 


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[11] 


of  bonds  allotted  to  the  co  iimittee's  district, 
it  will  be  necessary  to  "popularize"  the  Loan. 
P^very  j^erson  of  thinking  age  in  the  territory 
covered  by  the  committee  must  be  made  ac- 
quainted with  the  nature  and  p\irposes  of  the 
Fourth  Liberty  Loan  and  imbued  with  a  de- 
sire to  be  a  buyer  of  the  bonds. 

There  are  two  parts  to  every  successful 
Liberty  Loan  camjjaign,  viz. :  Publicity,  which 
sows  the  seed,  and  Personal  Solicitation,  which 
reaps  the  harvest.  The  Chairman  should  place 
on  the  committee  the  editors  of  the  local  news- 
papers. Every  person  in  the  committee's  dis- 
trict must  be  seen  during  the  campaign. 

The  members  of  the  committee  must,  at 
the  outset,  have  brought  home  to  them  the 
importance  of  their  work. 

In  the  great  war  program  of  our  country 
the  w^ork  of  the  Libert^'  Loan  Committeemen 
is  just  as  essential  as  the  work  of  the  soldiers 
in  the  trenches.  If  the  Bonds  are  not  sold 
the  Government  will  not  have  the  necessary 
money  to  equip  and  feed  the  Army  and  Navy. 
This  point  cannot  be  emphasized  too  strongly. 

Committeemen  must  realize  that  it  is  their 
duty  to  their  country  to  give  their  entire  time, 
day  and  night,  to  the  work  of  the  campaign. 
In  the  short  time  allotted  for  the  campaign 
every  moment  must  be  utilized.  It  is  not 
brilliancy  that  is  going  to  win,  so  much  as 
persistency.  It  will  take  patient,  systematic 
hard  work  to  secure  results. 
[1^2  1 


Whenever  a  committeeman  who  has  at- 
tended a  meeting  or  has  made  a  few  calls, 
wants  to  slacken  his  efforts,  he  should  remem- 
ber our  sailors  on  the  high  seas,  and  our  sol- 
diers in  the  trenches.  Let  him  consider  our 
chances  of  winning  the  war  if  these  sailors  and 
soldiers  slacken  their  efforts  when  they  feel  so 
'  inclined. 

(2)  How  to  plan  and  hold 
Patriotic  Meetings 

A  rousing,  thrilling  meeting  cannot  be  ex- 
pected from  haphazard  methods.  Like  a 
weak  offensive,  a  badly  managed  meeting  is 
not  only  a  failure — it  is  a  distinct  injury  to 
our  cause. 

Every  effort  and  every  dollar  must  be  ex- 
pended to  the  greatest  advantage,  so  as  to 
show  the  public  clearly  what  victory  or  de- 
feat may  mean. 

Unless  we  first  fill  our  hall,  no  matter  how 
eloquent  our  speakers,  or  how  inspiring  our 
j)rogram,  our  efforts  will  fail.  Empty  benches 
gain  no  helpers. 

We  are  competing  with  movies  and  theatres 
which  owe  their  success  largely  to  the  prin- 
ciple that  "it  pays  to  advertise."  They  put 
write-ups  and  skilfully  prepared  advertise- 
ments in  newspapers  and  on  billboards.  The 
announcement  "It  is  your  duty  to  attend  this 
meeting"  will  never  draw  a  crowd.  To  suc- 
ceed we  must  advertise  in  the  right  way. 
[13] 


The  Place  and  the  Time 
1]  You    must    beat    other    attractions    at 
their  own  game.     The  hall  should  be  well 
known  and  easily  accessible  to  the  class  of 
public  to  be  reached. 

2]  The  date  of  meeting  should  not  clash 
with  other  local  meetings. 

Get  Hearty  Co-operation 
3]  Circular  letters  signed  by  Chairman  of 
the  Local  Liberty  Loan  Committee  should  be 
sent  to  the  following,  asking  their  co-opera- 
tion in  making  the  meeting  a  success: 

Patriotic  bodies,  especially  veterans  of  Civil 
and   Spanish  wars,  and  Boy  Scouts  of 
America 
Churches 

Chambers  of  Commerce  and  Granges 
Trade  and  labor  organizations 
Women's  organizations 
Prominent  men  and  women 

4]  The  superintendents  and  principals  of 
schools,  presidents  of  chambers  of  commerce 
and  of  trade  organizations,  etc.,  should  be 
seen  and  their  personal  assistance  obtained. 

5]  A  Committee  on  Attendance  should  be 
appointed.  Let  one  man  on  it  be  responsible 
for  the  attendance  of  manufacturers,  another 
for  the  members  of  a  certain  lodge,  another 
to  see  that  the  meeting  should  be  announced 
from  the  pulpit  of  all  the  churches,  etc.  The 
[14] 


committee  should  go  after  the  people  who 
are  not  supporting  the  war  to  their  utmost. 

6]  In  small  communities  it  pays  to  have 
each  member  of  the  Committee  on  Atten- 
dance telephone  ten  or  a  dozen  people,  ask- 
ing them  to  be  present. 


Get  Full  Publicity 
7]  Select  an  able  man  to  act  as  Publicity 
Agent.    Such  a  man  should  give  full  time  to 
this  work,  and  should  have  associated  with 
him  the  local  editors. 

8]  He  should  secure  from  the  proper  organ- 
ization photographs  or  plates  of  the  speak- 
ers, and  see  that  the  newspapers  insert  them. 

9]  A  week  before  the  meeting  he  should 
get  a  "human  interest  story"  about  the  career 
of  the  speakers  and  their  successful  meetings 
and  furnish  it  to  the  press, 

10]  After  a  successful  meeting,  the  local 
chairman  should  immediately  send  an  enthu- 
siastic report  to  the  towns  where  the  speakers 
are  to  appear  later. 

11]  Lively  posters  should  be  put  up  in 
rooms  of  public  organizations  previously 
mentioned,  in  stores  and  in  other  prominent 
places. 

12]  Stirring  postcards  should  be  sent  to 
farmers. 

[15] 


The  Meeting  Itself 
13]  Much  care  should  be  used  in  the  selec- 
tion of  a  chairman  for  the  meeting.  He 
should  not  make  a  speech.  He  should  be 
supplied  with  a  time  schedule  and  an  inter- 
esting statement  concerning  the  speakers. 
His  introductions  should  be  short. 

14]  Representative  men  should  act  as 
ushers.  Proper  reservation  should  be  made 
for  organized  bodies,  such  as  Veterans,  Home 
Guards  and  Boy  Scouts.  The  front  seats 
should  always  be  filled.  Girls  should  distrib- 
ute programs. 

15]  Moving  pictures  or  slides,  and  a  band, 
orchestra,  or  "Liberty  Chorus,"  a  quartet, 
or  a  good  soloist  should  be  secured.  Adver- 
tise your  music  or  other  features.  In  case 
you  have  a  band,  let  it  play  one  stirring  piece 
outside  the  hall  and  then  march  inside. 

16]  If  trophies  are  to  be  auctioned  or  sub- 
scriptions to  bonds  taken,  be  sure  to  leave 
sufficient  time.  People  won't  subscribe  who 
are  tired  and  want  to  go  home. 

17]  Don't  undertake  to  secure  subscrip- 
tions at  a  meeting  without  due  preparation. 
Ushers  or  others  should  be  supplied  with 
pledge  cards  and  pencils  and  scattered  about 
the  hall  to  secure  the  signatures  of  those 
who  wish  to  subscribe. 


[  16 


18]  Fix  a  convenient  hour  and  then  start 
on  time.  Open  the  meeting  with  music.  Have 
a  definite  arrangement  with  each  speaker  as  to 
how  long  he  shall  speak.  Keep  the  program 
down  to  two  hours  or  less.  Long-drawn-out 
meetings  hurt  the  cause. 

19]  Give  thought  to  arrangement  of  pro- 
gram. Seek  for  a  strong  ending,  avoiding 
any  anti-climax. 

20]  Flags  always  help.  We  are  fighting 
that  Old  Glory  may  continue  to  wave.  A 
reminder  may  well  be  made  from  the  plat- 
form to  uncover  whenever  the  flag  goes  by. 

21]  A  committee  should  be  appointed  to 
meet  the  speakers  on  arrival,  look  after  their 
accommodations,  etc. 

22]  Early  in  the  day  the  press  should  be 
furnished  with  copy  of  the  speeches  of  the 
evening,  which  should  be  obtained  in  advance 
from  the  speakers.  The  ''breakfast  table 
audience"  is  often  as  important  as  the  au- 
dience at  the  hall. 

23]  Printed  matter  concerning  the  Liberty 
Loan  should  be  distributed  at  the  close  of 
the  meeting.  The  speakers  should  refer  in 
their  speeches  to  this  literature. 

24]  If  there  is  an  afternoon  paper  and  the 
speaker  arrives  in  time,  see  that  he  meets  the 
newspaper  men  and  has  matter  for  a  story 
or  for  editorial  comment.     This  should  be 

[17] 


different  from  his  speech.    For  one  thing,  he 
can  tell  what  other  towns  are  doing, 

25]  Have  the  speakers  meet  the  local  Lib- 
erty Loan  Committee.  They  may  have  valu- 
able information  as  to  campaign  methods  in 
use  elsewhere. 

26]  Don't  be  afraid  to  borrow  ideas  from 
the  communities  that  have  had  rousing 
meetings. 

27]  If  you  have  a  speaker  who  really  knows 
how  to  talk  to  boys  and  girls,  try  to  have  him 
give  an  afternoon  talk  to  the  children  of  the 
upper  grades  and  the  high  school.  If  he 
makes  good  with  them,  they  will  send  their 
parents  in  the  evening. 


[18] 


(3)  How  to  use  Posters 

Remember  that  the  most  important  thing 
about  a  poster  is  that  it  shall  be  seen. 

Display  your  posters  with  intelligence. 
They  are  expensive  to  make  and  display, 
and  should  be  placed  with  thought. 

If  you  have  a  limited  quantity  of  posters, 
do  not  display  them  too  thickly  in  one  local- 
ity. Take  a  motor  trip  around  town  and  in 
its  vicinity  and  study  the  best  possible  dis- 
tribution. 

Unless  you  have  a  great  quantity  of  posters 
allotted  to  you,  do  not  display  the  same 
poster  more  than  once  in  any  one  space. 

It  may  be  well  to  make  your  first  round 
with  posters  to  the  more  important  places, 
such  as  the  post  office,  the  library,  hotels, 
banks,  clubs,  and  railroad  stations.  This 
special  distribution  should  be  followed  by 
more  general  posting  around  town. 

Do  not  wrap  posters  around  telegraph 
poles,  or  trees,  or  paste  them  on  other  irreg- 
ular surfaces. 

Posters  should  be  so  placed  that  they  can 
be  seen  in  their  entirety  and  in  as  good  a 
setting  as  possible;  they  must  never  be 
crookedly  pasted. 

Impress  these  points  on  the  bill  poster. 
Let  him  understand  that  his  work  will  be 
checked  up. 

When  posters  are  given  to  merchants  or 
[19] 


others  for  window  display,  it  is  well  to  offer 
to  place  them  yourself,  in  order  to  insure 
good  placing,  as  regards  location  and  security. 
When  placing  posters  in  windows,  avoid  any 
conflict  with  lettering  on  the  windows. 

The  local  Committee  may  be  able  to  secure 
very  valuable  co-operation  from  stores  which 
are  in  a  position  to  stage  in  their  windows  a 
miniature  battlefield  or  a  war  tableau.  These 
displays  make  people  think,  talk  and  act. 


(4)  How  to  use  motion  pictures 

By    all    means    urge    the   extensive   use   of 
motion  pictures  on  patriotic  subjects. 

For  details  as  to  how  to  get  and  use  mo- 
tion pictures  and  slides,  many  of  which  may 
be  obtained  without  charge,,  see  pamphlet 
"Patriotism  that  Registers,"  issued  by  Na- 
tional Committee  of  Patriotic  Societies,  Union 
Trust  Building,  Washington,  D.  C. 


['ZO 


II 

The  Art  of  Making  a  Speech 

(1)  Putting  your  message  across 

Plan  carefully. — Plan  your  speech  with 
care.  Don't  trust  to  inspiration.  Assume  to 
speak  only  when  you  have  thought  out  be- 
forehand what  you  are  going  to  say. 

The  boast  of  some  speakers  that  they  always 
speak  extemporaneously,  that  their  speeches 
are  never  twice  the  same,  may  well  be  the  cause 
of  the  failure  of  some  patriotic  meetings. 

One  of  the  greatest  speeches  of  all  time, 
Lincoln's  Gettysburg  Address,  was  drafted 
three  times  before  it  was  delivered.  If  that 
great  master  of  English  and  oratory  felt  it 
necessary  thus  to  work  over  his  material 
before  addressing  an  audience  fully  aware  of 
his  position  and  power,  how  much  more  nec- 
essary is  it  for  the  average  speaker  to  do 
likewise.  If  it  be  distasteful  to  write  out  the 
whole  speech,  the  safe  and  wise  thing  to  do 
is  to  prepare  a  comprehensive  outline.  As 
the  campaign  progresses  revise  your  speech 
as  experience  dictates. 

Be  consecutive. — Plan  your  speech  so  as  to 
keep  it  moving  forward.  Let  one  thing  lead 
to  another.  When  you  have  made  a  point, 
pass  on  in  logical  order;  your  audience  will 
travel  with  you. 

[21] 


Be  specific. — Visualize  things  for  your  hear- 
ers. If  your  speech  presents  word  pictures, 
the  impression  is  both  stronger  and  more 
lasting. 

Appeal  to  both  the  emotions  and  the  intellect. 
— People  fight  their  best,  work  their  hardest, 
and  make  their  biggest  sacrifices  when  both 
their  reason  and  their  emotions  are  appealed 
to.  They  must  not  only  be  moved  to  sub- 
scribe, but  convinced  that  they  should  keep 
up  their  payments  and  not  sell  their  bonds. 

Sell  Bonds. — Always  remember  that  this  is 
the  definite  object  of  your  speech,  and  the  test 
of  your  success. 

Character  of  appeal. — Avoid  "high  brow" 
methods.  This  is  democracy's  war  and  you 
should  talk  democracy's  language.  There- 
fore be  clear  and  simple,  using  short  words 
and  crisp  sentences. 

Avoid  equally  the  other  extreme.  Don't 
be  too  colloquial,  too  slangy.  It  is  perfectly 
possible  to  keep  the  thought  and  the  senti- 
ment on  a  high  plane  and  yet  do  so  in  simple 
language. 

Be  adaptable. — Find  out  about  the  place 
and  the  audience.  Ascertain  local  conditions. 
Get  the  figures  for  that  town  as  to  the  men  in 
service,  the  number  of  casualties,  the  record 
on  former  loans,  on  the  Red  Cross,  the  Y.  M. 
C.  A.  Inquire  about  local  organizations. 
Heme  Guard,  Red  Cross  branches,  etc. 
[22] 


Let  your  speech  fit  your  audience.  Draw 
your  illustrations  from  things  they  know 
about  and  care  about.  Consider  what  is  the 
best  appeal  to  farmers,  to  factory  workers, 
to  tradesmen,  etc. 

"Canned"  speeches  will  get  few  subscrip- 
tions. Select  those  topics  that  you  believe 
will  appeal  most  to  that  particular  audience. 
Assimilate  them,  think  them  over,  dress  them 
up  in  your  own  way,  with  your  own  illustra- 
tions. Make  them  your  ideas,  and  the  speech 
your  speech. 

Forceful  presentation. — ^Though  orators  may 
be  born,  not  made,  yet  almost  any  speaker 
can  greatly  improve  his  effectiveness  by 
study  and  observation. 

As  a  master  of  speaking  has  tersely  said, 
"Attack  your  audience,  or  it  will  attack 
you."  An  audience  to  which  you  do  not  give 
your  best  will  be  slow  indeed  to  respond  to 
any  message  you  bring. 

If  inattention  occurs  in  any  part  of  the 
audience,  the  speaker  must  not  turn  away 
from  that  section  and  speak  to  those  who  ap- 
pear interested.  Inattention  spreads  rapidly 
and  should  be  stopped  at  its  source.  Let  the 
speaker  address  his  words  to  the  inattentive, 
and  through  natural  courtesy  they  will  as- 
sume the  attitude  of  attention.     ,^ 

Always  remember  the  man  in  the  far  cor- 
ner of  the  room.  You  want  his  subscription 
too.  Therefore  speak  so  that  he  can  hear  you. 
[23] 


People  soon  tire  of  the  effort  of  trying  to  hear, 
and  thus  drift  into  inattention. 

Enthusiasm  is  born  of  conviction.  It  is 
earnestness,  not  noise,  which  counts.  An 
American  audience  quickly  realizes  whether 
a  speaker  means  what  he  says.  Nothing  is 
more  contagious  than  enthusiasm  that  is 
genuine. 

Finish  strong. — Daniel  Webster  tells  us 
that  he  always  worked  out  and  memorized 
a  strong  closing  sentence,  no  matter  how 
extemporaneous  the  other  portions  of  the 
speech  might  be.  With  a  comprehensive  out- 
line and  a  strong  closing  sentence  or  para- 
graph the  speaker  is  less  likely  to  exceed  the 
proper  time. 

Many  speeches  otherwise  effective  have 
lost  all  effect  because  the  speaker  did  not 
know  when  he  was  through.  It  is  a  matter  of 
mere  courtesy,  both  to  the  audience  and  to 
other  speakers,  to  be  as  brief  as  logic  and 
clearness  allow.  A  college  president,  when 
asked  by  a  visiting  clergyman  how  long  the 
latter  could  preach  to  the  students,  replied, 
"There  is  no  time  limit,  but  rumor  has  it 
that  no  souls  are  saved  after  the  first  twenty 
minutes." 


[24] 


Keep  these  points  in  mind 

Begin  with  a  positive,  concrete,  striking 
statement.  Tell  them  something  at  the  start 
that  will  immediately  grip  their  attention. 

Use  short  sentences.  Try  to  make  one  word 
do  the  work  of  two. 

Avoid  fine  phrases.  You  aren't  there  to 
give  them  an  ear-full,  but  a  mind-ftill. 

Talk  to  the  back  row  of  your  audience; 
you'll  hit  everything  closer  in. 

Talk  to  the  simplest  intelligence  in  your 
audience;   you'll  touch  everything  higher  up. 

Be  natural  and  direct.  Sincerity  wears  no 
frills. 

Speak  slowly.  A  jumbled  sentence  is  a 
wasted  sentence. 

You  represent  the  United  States  of  iVmer- 
ica.  Don't  forget  this.  And  don't  let  your 
audience  forget  it. 

Finish  strong  and  sharp. 


[25] 


(2)  Outline  for  Speech 

The   following   is  a  specimen  outline   for  a 
speech  on  Liberty  Bonds : 

1]   Visualize  the  war 

a.  The  spirit  of  sacrifice  of  all  classes. 
Quotation  from  President  Wilson  (p.  1). 

b.  The  devastation  of  Belgium  and  France. 
Shall  this  happen  to  us? 

c.  Stories  of  valor  and  humor  of  Amer- 
ica's sons  at  the  front.   (See  page  105.) 

2]  Why  we  are  fighting 

Contrast  the  principle  for  which  we  and 
our  enemies  fight.    (See  page  45.) 
a.  America's  Declaration  of  Independence 
versus  German  Kultur.    (See  page  45.) 
h.  Quote  poetry.    (See  Chapter  VII.) 
c.   Germany's  plans  for  world  conquest. 
(See  page  42.) 
3]  Buying  Liberty  Bonds  will  help  us  win 

a.  Money  for  building  ships. 

b.  Money  for  munitions. 

c.  Money  for  food. 

d.  Money  for  airplanes. 

e.  Money  for  general  equipment.      (See 
Chapter  VIII,  2,  3.) 

4]  Describe  Liberty  Bonds  shortly,  terms,  in- 
terest, et  cetera.    (See  page  30.) 
5]   Think  of  what  your  boy  is  offering  to  win  the 
War. 
"What  are  i/ou  doing  .^^ 
[26] 


(3)  Points  of  Appeal 

In  preparing  his  speech  a  speaker  should  have 
in  mind  the  following  points  of  appeal: 

A.  Democracy 

a.  The  beginning  of  a  nation 
h.  Washington's  ideals 

c.  Lincoln's  ideals 

d.  President  Wilson's  ideals 

e.  Is  a  German  a  free  man 
/.  Kaiserism  vs.  freedom 

B.  Self-preservation 

a.  Your  duty  to  your  family 

b.  Your  duty  to  yourself 

c.  American  safety  at  stake 

d.  Defeat  and  subjugation 

1.  What  you  will  lose 

2.  What  will  happen  to  your  country 

3.  What  will  happen  to  your  family 

4.  What  will  happen  to  you 

5.  What  will  happen  to  your  ideals 

e.  The  curse  of  having  a  master 
/.   Reversion  to  savagery 

g.  Murder  enthroned 

C.  Enjoyment 

a.  Liberty  Bonds  provide  an  income  that 
can  be  used  in  enjoying  yourself  after 
the  war. 

D.  Comfort 

a.  Purchase  of  Liberty  Bonds  will  provide 
for  comfort  in  old  age. 

[27] 


E.  '"Carry  on'' 

a.  It  is  important  to  bring  out  the  point 
that  the  first  three  loans  furnished 
money  that  was  used  to  equip  and 
train  the  boys  that  are  now  at  the 
front.  The  next  step  is  to  furnish 
them  money,  coal,  munitions,  etc., 
and  help  win  victory. 

F.  Self-interest 

a.  Emphasize  the  fact  that  the  person 
who  saves  and  invests  in  Liberty 
Bonds  gets  the  best  security  in  the 
world  and  is  absolutely  sure  of  his 
interest  and  his  principal. 

G.  Emulation 

a.  The  man  who  buys  Liberty  Bonds  is 
doing  his  share  in  the  war  just  as  much 
as  the  man  who  fights  in  the  trenches. 

h.  The  record  of  other  countries  and  other 
communities  in  sending  men  and  buy- 
ing bonds. 
H.  Sympathy 

A  picture  of  the  dangers  to  the  boys  in 

the  trenches,  emphasizing: 

a.  Help  the  boys  in  the  trenches. 

b.  Buy  bonds  and  bring  them  home  soon. 
I.    Gratitude 

Laying  stress  on  the  fact  that  we  have  the 
finest  government  in  the  world  and  should 
do  all  in  our  power  to  maintain  that  gov- 
ernment and  support  the  war. 
[28] 


(4)  Objections  to  be  met 

It  is  to  be  expected  that  objections  exist  in 
the  minds  of  many  persons,  some  of  which 
may  be  legitimate,  others  of  which  may  have 
been  put  there  by  German  propaganda.  Ac- 
cordingly, it  may  be  necessary  to  discuss: 

a.  German  intrigue  against  the  Loan 

b.  Insidious  peace  propaganda 

c.  A  depression  in  the  price  of  Bonds 

d.  Complaints  about  high  taxes 

e.  What  a  Russian  peace  means 
/.  High  prices 

g.  Helping  our  Allies 

h.  This  is  a  rich  man's  war.  The  argument  is 
quite  frequently  heard  that  the  rich  men 
are  the  cause  of  the  war  and  that  they  are 
not  sending  their  sons.  It  is  important  to 
combat  both  these  arguments 


[29] 


Ill 

Facts  About  Liberty  Bonds 

(1)  What  a  Liberty  Bond  is 

A  Liberty  Bond  is  the  direct  and  uncondi- 
tional promise  of  the  United  States  of  America 
to  pay  upon  a  certain  date  a  sum  of  money 
in  gold,  with  interest  semi-annually  upon  such 
sum  until  the  bond  is  paid.  It  is  the  promis- 
sory note  of  the  United  States. 

(2)  The  two  kinds  of  Bonds 

Bonds  are  of  two  kinds:  Registered  bonds 
and  coupon  bonds. 

A  registered  bond  is  payable  only  to  the 
person  whose  name  is  written  on  its  face  by 
the  Treasury  Department  and  to  no  one  else. 
The  interest  is  paid  by  check  sent  to  the 
registered  owner.  The  owner  may  transfer 
this*  bond  to  another  by  the  simple  process 
of  writing  his  name  on  the  back  of  it  in  the 
presence  of  a  witness  and  having  a  record 
made  by  the  Government  of  the  change  of 
ownership. 

By  reason  of  the  safety  and  protection 
against  loss  or  theft  afforded  by  registered 
bonds  it  is  recommended  that  as  far  as  pos- 
sible all  persons  not  having  safe  deposit  boxes 
or  other  means  of  protection  should  have 
their  bonds  registered. 

[30] 


A  coupon  bond  has  interest  coupons  at- 
tached, and  both  bond  and  coupons  are  to 
bearer  and  ownership  thereof  can  be  trans- 
ferred merely  by  dehvery. 

Exhibit  a  bond  as  you  describe  it,  not 
only  to  show  what  it  looks  like,  but  also  to 
show  that  you  yourself  believe  in  Liberty 
Bonds  to  the  point  of  having  invested  your 
own  money  in  them. 

Bonds  of  the  Fourth  Liberty  Loan  are  sold 
by  the  Government  at  their  face  value;  that 
is,  at  the  rate  of  100  cents  on  the  dollar. 

You  may  buy  these  bonds  by  filling  out 
and  signing  an  application  blank  and  de- 
livering to  any  bank  or  trust  company,  bond 
dealer  or  broker,  or  to  one  of  the  Federal 
Reserve  Banks,  or  to  the  Treasury  Depart- 
ment at  Washington.  These  applications 
must  be  on  the  form  prescribed  by  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury,  obtainable  at  any  bank 
or  from  any  Liberty  Loan  Committee.  It  is 
important  that  application  blanks  be  filled 
out  so  as  to  give  all  information  asked  for. 

Always  be  provided  with  application  blanks 
so  that  people  wishing  to  subscribe  may  do  so  at 
the  meeting.  They  should  not  be  allowed  to  go 
away  and  cool  down  before  the  buying  point. 

Show  how  easy  it  is  to  buy  a  Bond 
Buying  a  bond  is  a  simple  and  easy  way  to 
save  money.     Explain  that  some  employers 
and  some  banks  and  stores  have  offered  to 

[31] 


handle  the  sale  of  bonds  on  instalments. 
Have  the  names  of  such  banks  and  stores 
with  you.  Many  employers  will,  if  desired, 
withhold  $1  or  more  weekly  from  the  em- 
ployee's salary  and  apply  it  to  the  purchase 
of  a  bond. 

Persons  should  be  encouraged  to  buy  Lib- 
erty Bonds  with  the  definite  idea  of  keeping 
them  as  permanent  investments.  Should  it 
be  necessary  for  the  owner  to  raise  money  on 
his  bonds  he  may  do  so  by  requesting  any 
bank  to  accept  it  as  security  for  a  loan. 
United  States  Government  bonds  are  the 
best  security  which  can  be  offered  and  will 
obtain  the  best  terms  possible.  If  it  is  neces- 
sary to  sell  the  bond,  a  sale  can  be  arranged 
for  through  any  bank,  trust  company,  re- 
liable bond  dealer,  or  broker.  It  is  extremely 
important  that  owners  should  deal  only  with 
reliable  persons  in  selling  their  bonds. 

In  each  of  the  12  Federal  Reserve  districts 
which  cover  the  entire  United  States  there 
have  been  organized  Liberty  Loan  Commit- 
tees for  the  purpose  of  assisting  the  govern- 
ment to  place  its  bonds.  These  committees 
are  made  up  of  representatives  from  large 
cities,  states,  counties,  townships,  and  other 
political  subdivisions.  The  personnel  con- 
sists of  business  men  and  women,  bankers, 
lawyers,  representatives  of  labor,  farmers, 
professional  men,  etc.  Co-operating  with 
these  committees  and  assisting  in  the  sale 
[32] 


of  bonds  will  be  found  hundreds  of  thousands 
of  Liberty  Loan  volunteers,  representing 
organizations  and  associations  of  all  kinds. 
Men,  women,  and  children  of  our  country 
are  assisting  in  this  great  work  to  the  fullest 
extent.  Each  and  every  one  of  the  workers 
is  a  part  of  the  Liberty  Loan  organization. 


Details  of  Bonds 
of  the  Fourth  Liberty  Loan 
These  are  not  available  as  this  Handbook 
goes  to  press.  Speakers  should  familiarize 
themselves  with  the  rate  of  interest,  date  of 
maturity,  tax  exemption  privileges,  and  other 
features  of  the  issue. 


[33 


(3)  Security 

A  United  States  Government  bond  is  fre- 
quently referred  to  as  "the  best  security  in 
the  world."  This  is  so  because  the  Govern- 
ment's promise  to  pay  is  backed  by  the  faith 
and  honor  of  the  nation,  and  by  the  taxing 
power  of  this  whole  country,  the  richest  in 
the  world.  Our  total  wealth  is  back  of  these 
bonds  and  the  United  States  has  always  paid 
in  full  and  on  time  every  bond  it  ever  issued. 

The  wealth  of  the  United  States  in  the 
year  1917  was  estimated  at  $250,000,000,000. 

Our  national  income  is  estimated  to  be 
$50,000,000,000. 

Our  annual  net  earnings  are  more  than 
three  times  the  total  amount  of  bonds  re- 
quired to  be  issued  annually  for  the  conduct 
of  the  war.  When  peace  comes  these  bonds 
should  command  a  high  premium. 

No  one  can  question  the  security  back  of 
a  United  States  Government  bond. 

It  is  very  impressive  to  compare  our  situa- 
tion with  that  of  the  other  belligerents.  Such 
a  comparison  shows  how  much  we  have  and 
how  little  we  are  asked  to  give.  Figures  on 
that  point  will  be  found   in  Chapter  VIII. 


34] 


IV 

Facts  That  Sell  Bonds 

(1)  Why  we  all  must  buy  Liberty  Bonds 

The  following  are  by  way  of  suggestion  only. 
No  one  can  cover  all  of  them  in  one  speech. 
No  two  men  would  select  the  same  points. 

Things  have  changed  materially  since  the 
former  loans — especially  since  the  first  one. 
Then  it  was  necessary  to  take  valuable  time 
explaining  to  practically  every  audience  what 
a  bond  was.  We  only  had  230,000  bond  in- 
vestors in  the  country  and  few  of  them  held 
Government  bonds. 

We  have  a  population  of  about  103,000,000 
people — perhaps  21,000,000  families  or  house- 
holds. 

There  were  4,000,000  individual  subscrip- 
tions to  the  First  Liberty  Loan,  9,400,000 
to  the  Second,  and  17,000,000  to  the  Third. 
This  17,000,000,  their  families  and  friends, 
need  no  further  explanation  of  what  a  Lib- 
erty Bond  is. 

No  loyal  American  can  have  the  least  doubt 
as  to  his  duty  to  subscribe  to  these  bonds. 

A  campaign  to  urge  him  to  pay  his  rent 
or  support  his  family  would  in  a  certain  degree 
be  comparable  to  the  present  plea  to  support 
the  Government  and  render  that  obligation 
which  he  owes  to  his  country. 
[35] 


We  Americans  should  carefully  examine 
our  expenditures  with  a  view  to  eliminating 
extravagance  and  waste.  A  man  or  woman 
may  decide  that  he  has  fulfilled  his  obligation 
by  taking  a  certain  amount  of  bonds,  whereas 
if  he  were  to  practice  a  little  more  economy — 
economy  that  perhaps  would  not  interfere 
with  his  comfort  or  happiness  in  the  slight- 
est— he  might  materially  increase  his  sub- 
scription. 

The  Fourth  Liberty  Loan  will  be  a  message 
to  the  boys  with  the  flag  on  land  and  sea. 
It  will  be  a  message  to  our  fighting  allies. 
It  will  be  an  answer  to  the  Kaiser.  It  will 
be  taken  as  an  expression  of  our  faith  in  the 
Declaration  of  Independence. 

In  one  aspect  war  is  a  great  business  and 
it  is  a  business  that  requires  a  high  working 
capital.  The  funds  must  be  supplied  by 
those  who  have  a  stake  in  the  outcome  of 
the  venture,  and  that  includes  every  citizen 
of  the  United  States  and  every  man  and 
woman  who  perceives  the  menace  of  a  world 
ruled  by  Germany. 

The  Will  to  Win 
Marshal   Foch  says  "The  will   to  win  is 
half  the  battle." 

Ludendorff    told    the    Germans    recently 
that  "the  eighth  war  loan  must  prove  our  will 
power,  which  is  the  source  of  everything." 
The  Fourth  Liberty  Loan  is  up   to  the 
[36  1 


American  people.  It  must  prove  our  will 
power. 

Let  us  prove  it  so  that  Germany  will 
\  understand,  so  our  Allies  will  understand,  so 
our  fighting  men  on  land  and  sea,  the  equal 
in  courage  and  devotion  to  any  fighting  men 
on  earth,  will  understand  that  behind  our 
army  and  our  fleet  is  a  will  power  which 
will  never  falter  till  victory  is  won. 

Count  von  Roedern,  secretary  of  the  Ger- 
man Imperial  Treasury,  speaking  in  the 
Reichstag  of  taxation  revision,  said  "  We  don't 
know  yet  the  amount  of  indemnity  we  shall 
win." 

This  ought  to  give  an  American  a  new 
reason  for  hunting  up  a  Liberty  Bond  sales- 
man without  waiting  to  be  hunted  up  by  him. 
It  will  be  more  pleasant  to  receive  the  inter- 
est on  an  American  Government  loan  than 
to  pay  an  indemnity  to  the  Kaiser. 

Of  course,  speakers  will  make  much  of 
what  our  men  and  women, — yes  and  our 
children, — soldiers,  sailor,  marines  and  civil- 
ians are  doing  in  this  war. 

What  we  are  Doing 
There  is  no  need  to  suggest  special  topics 
here.    The  papers  and  magazines  bristle  with 
accounts  and  incidents.    We  have  such  mat- 
ters as: 

Our  soldiers  and  marines  in  France;   what 
they  have  done  against  Germany's  best. 
[37  1 


Our  navy's  part  in  checking  the  submarine. 

Our  wonderful  record  in  helping  transport 
troops — 1,450,000  to  the  middle  of  August, 
with  a  program  of  further  detachments  sent 
across  to  the  number  of  250,000  per  month. 

Our  engineers  in  France — their  warehouses, 
docks,  terminals,  port  facilities;  the  railroad 
behind  the  lines,  greater  than  the  whole 
Lackawanna  system  and  with  heavier  equip- 
ment. 

Our  hospitals.  The  health  of  our  men,  and 
their  freedom  from  disease. 

Our  shipbuilding. 

Our  supplies  of  bread  and  meat  to  the 
Allies  both  for  the  armies  and  for  their  civ- 
ilian population. 

The  loans  we  have  made  to  our  Allies 
totalled  on  July  27,  1918,  $6,390,040,000. 

All  this  requires  money  "without  stint  or 
limit." 

We  cannot  be  tender  with  our  dollars 
Mr.  McAdoo  has  said:  "We  must  make 
this  loan  a  success.  We  can  make  it  a  suc- 
cess. The  failure  of  a  single  issue  of  Govern- 
ment bonds  would  be  worse  for  America  than 
a  disaster  upon  the  field  of  battle.  We  must 
never  let  that  happen.  We  have  conscripted 
our  young  men.  Shall  we  he  more  tender  with 
our  dollars  than  unth  the  lives  of  our  sons?" 

Urge  your  hearers  to  buy  bonds  for  self- 
preservation;  show  them  that  their  jobs,  their 
[38  1 


opportunity  to  earn,  their  industrial  and  per- 
sonal liberty  will  be  jeopardized  if  Germany 
wins. 

Buying  bonds,  therefore,  is  insurance  of 
life,  liberty  and  property,  for  which  the  buyer, 
instead  of  paying  a  premium,  receives  one. 

If  money  is  not  provided  for  the  prosecu- 
tion of  the  war,  we  will  not  be  victorious. 
That  would  mean  paying  an  indemnity  the 
size  of  which  no  one  can  predict.  Your  own 
imagination  can  supply  what  the  term  "Ger- 
man victory"  or  an  inconclusive  peace  sug- 
gests. Germany  has  never  yet  published  her 
peace  terms.  They  are  such  that  she  has 
never  dared  make  them  public. 

Liberty  Bonds  are  Industrial  Insurance 

In  this  way  you  can  show  the  business  man 
that  buying  Liberty  Bonds  is  an  industrial 
insurance.  Where  will  his  business  be  if  we 
lose  the  war? 

Suppose  he  owns  bonds  already.  What  of 
it?  Then  buy  some  more.  You  can't  own  too 
many  bonds.  They  are  the  best  investment 
the  world  can  offer.  There  is  nothing  specula- 
tive about  them.  They  are  the  Government's 
promise  to  pay — a  promise  based  upon  the 
whole  of  our  National  assets. 

Show  how  well  our  soldiers  are  paid,  fed, 
clothed  and  cared  for. 

Refer  to  the  soldiers'  insurance.  The  Gov- 
ernment's rate  to  its  soldiers  and  sailors  is 
[39  1 


the  flat  cost  to  a  man  in  civilian  life  as  deter- 
mined by  the  scientific  actuarial  tables — none 
of  the  overhead  charges,  such  as  commis- 
sions, advertising,  or  the  other  costs  of  doing 
business  are  figured  in. 

There  is  nothing  heroic  about  buying  Lib- 
erty Bonds.  No  one  expects  to  be  ap- 
plauded for  putting  money  into  a  savings 
bank.  Lending  money  to  the  country  in 
this  crisis  at  a  good  rate  of  interest  upon 
the  best  security  in  the  world  is  an  oppor- 
tunity— a  patriotic  obligation — a  simple  act 
of  common  decency. 

The  man  who  can  invest  in  a  Liberty  Bond 
and  fails  to  do  so  is  a  slacker. 

Secretary  McAdoo  has  stated  that:  "All 
of  this  financing  is  for  the  nation  merely  a 
matter  of  shifting  credits.  Practically  all  of 
the  money  will  remain  in  this  country  and 
will  not  involve  any  loss  of  gold  or  any  loss 
of  values." 

(2)  The  Boys  in  France 

Last  winter  we  hoped  to  have  a  million  men 
overseas  by  1918.  Instead  of  that,  when  the 
Loan  drive  comes  off,  we  shall  actually  have 
there  at  least  a  million  and  a  half  troops. 
They  have  seen  hard  fighting  and  have  "  made 
good."  The  plan  is  for  at  least  2,000,000 
men  in  France  before  Christmas,  and  at  least 
3,000,000  next  spring. 

Our    casualty    lists    are    growing.       Our 
[40] 


wounded  are  coming  back.  Thousands  of  our 
boys  will  never  come  back.  There  can  be 
no  appeal  like  that  appeal.  It  isn't  a  case 
of  "some  day"  and  "perhaps"  any  longer. 
"Some  day"  is  here,  and  our  boys  are  in  the 
line,  in  the  hospitals,  or  lying  in  their  graves 
in  France.' 

We  can  begin  to  talk  more  about  what  we 
are  doing;  less  about  what  we  are  going  to  do. 

The  success  and  the  lives  of  the  boys  "over 
there"  depend  on  how  fully  and  how  fast 
we  supply  their  needs.  The  more  they  get, 
and  the  sooner  they  get  it,  the  sooner  the 
war  will  end. 

Every  day  the  war  is  prolonged  means 
more  of  our  boys  dead  and  wounded.  Every 
Liberty  Bond  shortens  the  war  and  saves 
lives. 

Make  your  hearers  realize  the  present 
situation — the  state  of  the  war  at  the  mo- 
ment— the  dependence  of  the  Allied  cause 
upon  our  help.  Treat  your  hearers  as  earnest 
Americans  not  afraid  of  the  truth.  There  is 
a  hard,  critical  time  ahead. 

What  we  do  this  fall  and  winter  in  prepa- 
ration for  next  spring  will  decide  whether  the 
war  can  be  ended  next  year  or  must  run  on. 
The  way  to  assure  a  short  war  is  to  prepare 
for  a  long  one.  Advise  against  expecting  an 
early  peace.    None  is  in  sight. 

Tell  them  this:  Every  time  you  read,  you 
purchasers  of  Liberty  Bonds  and  War  Sav- 
[41] 


ings  Stamps,  of  what  the  United  States  is 
doing  in  France  in  building  wharves  and 
railroads;  or  deluging  the  Germans  with  gas 
or  shelling  them  out  of  position  with  big  guns 
or  shrapnel  or  of  bombing  their  arsenals  or 
cities;  or  of  the  building  of  ships  here;  or 
of  any  or  all  of  the  great  or  small  achieve- 
ments of  America,  here  or  abroad  or  on  the 
seas,  then  you  buyers  of  Liberty  Bonds  and 
War  Savings  Stamps  truthfully  can  say,  "I 
had  a  hand  in  this; "  "I  contributed  to  this; " 
"I  am  working  to  do  this;"  "It  is  part  of 
my  work." 

(3)  Germany's  plans  for  World  Dominion 

This  is  the  time  to  teach  the  people  of  this 
country  the  real  purpose  of  Germany  to  ac- 
quire World  Dominion.  America  is  not  in  the 
war  merely  to  help  the  Allies.  A  German 
victory  or  an  inconclusive  peace  means  real 
present  peril  to  us  and  to  our  institutions. 

Speakers  are  especially  recommended  to 
consult  a  book  entitled  "Out  of  Their  Own 
Mouths"  (Appleton),  consisting  of  quota- 
tions from  the  speeches  and  writings  of  the 
Kaiser,  the  Hohenzollern  family,  and  promi- 
nent generals,  admirals,  preachers,  teachers, 
writers,  historians  and  other  representative 
Germans.  These  quotations  can  be  used 
most  effectively  to  show  Germany's  avowed 
and  studied  purpose  over  many  years  to  be- 
come the  over-lord  of  both  hemispheres. 
[42  1 


On  this  point  read  in  other  parts  of  this 
Handbook  President  Wilson's  speech  (p.'l), 
Dr.  Lyman  Abbott's  article  (p.  64)  and  secure 
if  possible  "Know  Your  Enemy"  (Commit- 
tee for  Patriotic  Education,  Fraunce's  Tavern, 
54  Pearl  Street,  New  York). 

Doctor  Arthur  Davis,  the  Kaiser's  dentist 
from  1904  to  1918,  says  the  Kaiser  told  him: 

"From  my  childhood  I  have  been  under  the 
influence  of  five  men — Alexander,  Julius 
Caesar,  Theodoric  II,  Napoleon  and  Frederick 
the  Great.  These  five  men  dreamed  their 
dream  of  a  world  empire;  they  failed.  I  am 
dreaming  my  dream  of  a  world  empire,  hut 
I  shall  succeed." 

Germany's  Guilt  for  the  War 
In  the  last  few  months  some  revelations 
have  been  made  that  show  unmistakably 
Germany's  utter  guilt  for  beginning  the  war. 
Prince  Lichnowski — German  Ambassador 
to  England,  1912-1914 — has  made  this  state- 
ment: 

"We  [Germany]  encouraged  Count  Berch- 
told  to  attack  Serbia,  although  no  German 
was  involved,  and  the  danger  of  a  world- war 
must  have  been  known  to  us — whether  we 
knew  the  text  of  the  ultimatum  is  a  question 
of  complete  indifference.  On  July  30,  when 
Count  Berchtold  [Austrian  Premier]  wanted 
to  give  way,  we,  without  Austria  having  been 
attacked,  replied  to  Russia's  mere  mobiliza- 
[43  1 


tion  by  sending  an  ultimatum  to  Petersburg, 
and  on  July  31  we  declared  war  on  the  Rus- 
sians, although  the  Czar  had  pledged  his 
word  that  so  long  as  negotiations  continued 
not  a  man  should  march — so  that  we  delib- 
erately destroyed  the  possibility  of  a  peaceful 
settlement." 

Point  out  how  slow  we  were  to  credit  Ger- 
many's real  motives. 

Make  it  plain  that  this  is  a  contest  between 
absolutism,  on  one  side,  and  on  the  other, 
everything  we  believe  in  and  hold  dear. 

Tell  how  Germany  has  for  years  been  a 
bully  among  nations — a  bully  that  has  de- 
manded a  finger  in  the  pie  and  a  chance  to 
grab  small  nations — Schleswig-Holstein  from 
Denmark;  Alsace-Lorraine  from  France;  the 
Partition  of  Poland. 

Germany'' s  Attitude  at  Manila  Bay 
Recall  the  arrogant  attitude  of  Admiral  von 
Diedrichs  at  Manila  Bay  and  the  fine  conduct 
of  Admiral  Chichester  and  the  British  Navy. 
How  the  Germans,  with  no  German  popu- 
lation in  Manila,  had  a  very  large  squadron 
there — how    they    violated    all    of    Admiral 
Dewey's  rules  for  the  blockade  of  the  Harbor 
and  how  they  fraternized  with  the  Spaniards 
on  shore.    In  contrast  to  this,  Admiral  Chi- 
chester, the  British  Admiral,  showed  the  ut- 
most courtesy  and  consideration  to  Admiral 
Dewey,  gave  every  moral  support  and  stated 
[44] 


his  willingness  to  do  more,  and  at  a  critical 
time  placed  his  fleet  between  the  Germans  and 
the  Americans. 


(4)  Our  tradition  of  Freedom 

Tell  the  people  that  this  country  has  a  his- 
tory. It  stands  for  something  worth  fighting 
for.  Our  free  institutions  are  not  the  results  of 
accident.  Others  fought  and  sacrificed  for 
what  we  enjoy.  They  did  so  in  vain  if  the 
Potsdam  gang  is  to  triumph  in  this  war. 

Show  how  our  wars  have  been  for  the  very 
opposite  of  the  things  that  Prussia  stands  for. 

(a)  The  Revolution   secured   for   us   self- 
government,    self-determination. 

How  much  self-determination  has 
Prussia  allowed  Alsace-Lorraine. ^^  Po- 
land.'^   Russia.'^    None. 

America's  Declaration  of  Indepen- 
dence asserts  that  Governments  derive 
their  just  powers  from  the  consent  of 
the  governed. 

The  Kaiser  asserts  the  doctrine  of  the 
Divine  Right  of  Kings. 

(b)  The  War  of  1812  was  fought  for  the 
freedom  of  the  seas. 

Prussia  believes  in  submarine  piracy 
and    murder — the    barred    zone — the 
Lusitania    horror — ''spurlos   versenkt" 
(sunk  without  a  trace). 
[45  1 


(c)  Our  Civil  War  freed  the  slaves.  Prussia 
has  already  enslaved  the  population 
of  Belgium. 

(d)  Our  war  with  Spain  established  the 
principle  of  freedom  of  all  America 
from  European  tyranny  and  misrule, — 
the  very  opposite  of  Prussia's  lust  for 
World  Dominion. 

Our  speakers  have  not  always  made  best 
use  of  the  inspiring  incidents  of  our  own  his- 
tory. Every  speaker  should  utilize  striking 
examples  of  patriotism  in  our  past. 

In  talking  to  farmers  quote  the  tablet  on 
Concord  Bridge  where: 

"once  the  embattl'd  farmers  stood, 
Andfired  the  snot  heard  round  the  world." 

In  talking  to  bankers,  use  the  example  of 
Robert  Morris,  who  beggared  himself  in  the 
Revolution  to  finance  Washington's  army. 

In  talking  to  seafaring  people  or  ship- 
builders, remind  them  of  the  War  of  181"2, 
name  some  of  the  noted  fighting  ships.  Recall 
to  them  the  famous  clipper  ships  that  carried 
the  American  flag  and  American  trade  into 
every  sea. 

Historical  Slogans  ' 

We  have  many  striking  historical  slogans: 

General  Stark: — "Tonight  our  flag  floats 

from  yonder  hill — or  Mollie  Stark  sleeps  a 

widow." 

[46] 


John  Paul  Jones: — "Surrender?  I  have  not 
yet  begun  to  fight." 

Commodore  Perry: — "We  have  met  the 
enemy  and  they  are  ours." 

Captain  Lawrence: — "Don't  give  up  the 
ship." 

Admiral  Farragut: — "Damn  the  torpedoes. 
Go  ahead!" 

Nathan  Hale: — "I  only  regret  that  I  have 
but  one  life  to  give  for  my  country." 

Patrick  Henry: — "I  know  not  what  course 
others  may  take,  but  as  for  me — give  me 
liberty  or  give  me  death!" 

General  Bundy,  in  command  of  American 
forces  south  of  the  Marne  on  Monday,  July 
15,  1918: 

"We  regret  being  unable  on  this  occasion 
to  follow  the  counsels  of  our  masters,  the 
French,  but  the  American  flag  has  been  forced 
to  retire.  This  is  unendurable,  and  none  of 
our  soldiers  would  understand  their  not  being 
asked  to  do  whatever  is  necessary  to  remedy 
a  situation  which  is  humiliating  to  us  and  un- 
acceptable to  our  country's  honor.  We  are 
going  to  counterattack." 

For  other  striking  quotations  look  in  your 
American  history. 


[47] 


(5)  Sources  of  Revenue — Taxes  and  Bonds 

Make  it  perfectly  plain  that  the  country  has 
just  two  sources  of  income — taxes  and  bonds. 

While  we  get  back  the  benefits  of  taxation, 
we  never  get  back  the  tax  money  itself. 

Taxes  represent  money  which  the  Govern- 
ment gets  and  keeps. 

Bonds  represent  something  the  Government 
borrows  and  repays.  We  get  back  from  our 
bond  purchases  both  the  benefits  and  the  money. 

It  would  disastrously  affect  business  and 
industry  to  try  to  finance  the  war  on  taxes 
alone.  Yet  if  bonds  are  not  sold,  the  Govern- 
ment will  have  to  increase  taxes  still  further. 

Bond  issues  distribute  the  burden  of  the 
war  over  the  future  as  well  as  the  present. 
That  is  fair,  as  we  are  in  the  war  for  the  sake 
of  future  generations  as  well  as  for  our  own 
sakes. 

(6)  Necessity  for  individual  subscriptions 

The  American  ideal  of  government  is  based 
on  the  individual  and  his  perfect  freedom  of 
action,  as  opposed  to  the  German  ideal, 
where  the  activities  of  the  individual  are  cir- 
cumscribed in  a  thousand  ways  and  where 
the  voice  of  the  German  people  in  govern- 
ment affairs  is  only  advisory. 

The  United  States  Government  gives  free- 
dom and  protection  to  the  individual.     It 
was   the  first  government   ever  constituted 
[48] 


among  men  to  secure  the  equal  rights  to  Hfe, 
liberty  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness. 

By  the  volume  and  distribution  of  our 
subscriptions  to  the  loan  we  shall  advertise 
to  the  world  the  sincerity  of  the  American 
people  in  its  protestations  of  democracy. 

The  142  years  since  the  Declaration  of 
Independence  have  proved  that  this  govern- 
ment by  the  people  is  worthy  of  a  place  on 
this  earth,  and  should  not  be  lost  under  the 
heel  of  a  ruthless  German  autocracy.  Our 
Government  has  every  right  to  expect  from 
its  people  their  unqualified  support  in  this 
hour  of  danger  and  should  look  to  every  indi- 
vidual to  do  his  share  in  the  buying  of  bonds. 

In  commenting  upon  the  First  Liberty 
Loan,  Secretary  McAdoo  said: 

"One  of  the  chief  purposes  of  the  cam- 
paign was  to  distribute  the  Liberty  Bonds 
widely  throughout  the  country  and  place 
them,  as  far  as  possible,  in  the  hands  of  the 
people.  This  was  important  because  the 
strength  of  government  finance,  like  the  strength 
of  government  policies,  rests  upon  the  support 
of  the  people.  The  large  number  of  sub- 
scribers, especially  the  large  numbers  of  small 
subscribers,  was  most  gratifying,  and  indi- 
cated that  the  interest  of  the  people  had  been 
aroused  as  never  before  in  an  issue  of  bonds." 

After  the  prime  necessity  for  selling  the 
bonds  of  our  Liberty  Loans  our  chief  con- 

[49  1 


sideration  should  be  to  secure  the  widest 
possible  distribution  of  them. 

With  twenty  million  bondholders,  the  great 
majority  of  whom  may  be  classed  as  small 
investors,  we  have  a  mighty  potential  army 
of  patriotic  reserves  from  whom  vast  forces 
maj'  be  drawn  to  supplement  the  work  of  the 
greatest  sales  organization  of  the  world. 

Upon  the  way  this  loan  is  subscribed  de- 
pends the  market  value  of  the  bonds  of  pre- 
vious bond  issues.  Therefore  it  is  to  your 
personal  interest  as  a  holder  of  bonds  of  pre- 
vious issues  to  make  the  Fourth  Liberty 
Loan  a  success. 


(7)  Why  you  should  hold  your  Liberty 
Bonds 

One  who  subscribes  for  a  Liberty  Bond  and 
gets  credit  for  doing  so  is  not  acting  patrioti- 
cally if  he  sells  that  bond,  unless  he  impera- 
tively needs  the  money,  says  Secretary 
McAdoo.  It  is  not  the  mere  subscription 
that  helps  the  Government,  it  is  the  actual 
loan;  shifting  the  bond  to  someone  else  does 
not  help. 

The  same  objection  lies  in  exchanging 
Liberty  Loan  Bonds  in  trade.  Merchants 
offering  to  take  Liberty  Loan  Bonds  in  ex- 
change for  merchandise  are  doubtlessly  actu- 
ated by  patriotic  motives,  but  such  trans- 
actions tend  to  defeat  a  primary  object  of 
[50  1 


the  bond  sale — the  encouraging  of  thrift  and 
the  discouraging  of  expenditures.  Bonds  so 
exchanged  are  in  most  cases  immediately 
sold  in  the  open  market,  which  tends  to  de- 
press the  market  price  and  affects  adversely 
the  sales  of  future  issues. 

Secretary  INIcAdoo  expressly  states  that 
there  is  no  desire  on  the  part  of  the  Govern- 
ment to  prevent  or  interfere  with  legitimate 
trading  in  good  faith  in  Liberty  Bonds. 

It  is  one  of  the  great  objects  of  the  Treas- 
ury Department  to  have  these  bonds  held  as 
permanent  investments  by  the  people  and 
paid  for  out  of  savings,  thus  at  once  provid- 
ing funds  for  the  Government  and  conserving 
labor  and  material. 

Our  soldiers  are  enlisted  for  the  period  of 
the  war.  We  can  do  no  less  than  enlist  our 
money  for  at  least  an  equal  period. 

Purchasers  of  bonds  ought  to  be  warned 
against  the  efforts  of  promoters,  stock  sales- 
men, etc.,  to  induce  them  to  sell  their  bonds 
in  order  to  invest  in  mining  stocks  or  un- 
I)roved  securities,  upon  the  argument  that 
they  can  secure  a  much  better  return  on  their 
money.  These  propositions  may  be  in  the 
form  of  offers  to  take  the  bonds  in  exchange 
for  securities  of  greater  face  value  than  the 
bonds  themselves. 


[51 


(8)  Thrift  and  the- need  of 
personal  sacrifice 

"I  suppose  not  many  fortunate  by-products 
can.  come  out  of  a  war,  but  if  the  United 
States  can  learn  something  about  saving  out 
of  this  war  it  will  be  worth  the  cost  of  the 
■war;  I  mean  the  literal  cost  of  it  in  money 
and  resources.  I  suppose  we  have  several 
times  over  wasted  what  we  are  now  about 
to  spend.  We  have  not  known  that  there 
was  any  limit  to  our  resources;  we  are  now 
finding  out  that  there  may  be  if  we  are  not 
careful." — President  Wilson. 

Cut  out  the  buying  of  unessential  things 
that  consume  labor,  material  and  transporta- 
tion. The  high  prices  are  largely  a  result  of 
our  competing  with  the  Government  in  its 
purchase  of  what  it  must  have  in  order  to 
prosecute  the  war.  If  we  deny  ourselves  the 
non-essentials  we  remove  one  of  the  causes 
of  inflation  or  high  prices,  and  then,  by  taking 
the  next  logical  step,  we  loan  the  money  we 
have  saved  to  the  Government.  It  can  buy 
just  as  much  more  with  that  money  because 
we  are  not  its  competitors.  For  the  first 
time  in  our  history  there  is  not  enough  labor, 
material  and  transportation  to  go  around. 

Our  part  in  the  Liberty  Loan  should  in- 
volve some  sacrifice.  There  ought  to  be  a 
margin  of  inconvenience  in  the  subscription 
of  every  earnest  American.     He  is  not  doing 

[52] 


his  full  duty  unless  he  subscribes  in  excess  of 
the  amount  that  he  can  conveniently  save 
out  of  his  income.  Anyone  who  complacently 
adjusts  his  contribution  so  as  perfectly  to 
harmonize  with  personal  convenience  and 
good  business  is  at  best  only  a  fifty-fifty 
patriot. 

Early  in  the  war  Lord  Kitchener  said: 
"Either  the  civilian  population  must  go 
short  of  many  things  to  which  it  is  accus- 
tomed in  times  of  peace  or  our  armies  must 
go  short  of  munitions  and  other  things  in- 
dispensable to  them." 

Thrift  is  the  opposite  of  waste,  and  waste 
is  costly  and  useless  and  needless.  England 
has  learned  this  lesson  from  the  war.  In  the 
year  1916,  although  purchasing  billions  of 
dollars  of  war  bonds,  the  small  savings-bank 
depositors  in  England  increased  their  deposits 
over  $60,000,000. 

Save  for  Our  Country's  sake 

It  was  patriotism  that  started  this  great 
change  in  the  people  of  the  nation.  The 
English  people  started  saving  their  money 
because  they  saw  that  it  meant  saving  Eng- 
land. But  thrift  and  economy  begot  thrift 
and  economy.  They  economized  and  saved 
for  their  own  sake  as  well  as  for  England's 
sake.  Not  only  did  they  save  money  but 
they  economized  in  food,  fuel,  in  dress,  in 
luxuries.  More  than  1,000,000  English  work- 
[53] 


ers  were  purchasers,  out  of  their  savings,  in  the 
second  great  war  loan  of  Great  Britain,  and 
8,000,000  out  of  a  population  of  40,000,000 
subscribed  to  their  latest  war  loan. 

The  question  whether  the  civilian  popula- 
tion should  economize  and  do  without  certain 
things  or  the  soldiers  and  sailors  be  denied 
things  necessary  for  their  effectiveness  and 
safety  was  answered  in  a  positive  and  pa- 
triotic way  by  the  masses  of  the  English 
people.  They  did  their  part  in  financing  their 
country. 

Neither  in  ability  nor  in  patriotism  are  the 
American  people  second  to  the  English  or 
the  French  or  the  German  or  any  other 
nation. 

The  great  difficulty  is  to  impress  this  lesson 
of  economy  upon  the  American  people.  It 
will  require  widespread  publicity  and  con- 
stant effort. 

(9)  Saving  for  the  next  Loan 

If  we  are  to  buy  bonds  from  our  savings,  we 
must  begin  to  save  that  money  before  the 
bond-selling  campaign  begins. 

We  are  not  going  to  be  ready  for  the  next 
loan  unless  we  prepare  for  it.  We  must  get 
ready  for  it.  We  must  begin  to  save  defi- 
nitely and  strictly  for  it. 

Every  family,  every  individual,  ought  to 
sit  down  and  look  that  fact  in  the  face  right 
now.  If  we  don't,  the  fact  will  run  into  us 
[54  1 


with  a  suddenness  and  force  unpleasant  to 
all  concerned.  We  cannot  go  on  "spending 
as  usual"  and  do  our  patriotic  duty.  We 
have  got  to  look  over  our  expenditures, 
especially  the  kind  that  leak  out  between  our 
fingers.  We  have  got  to  check  over  our 
private  budget,  if  we  were  wise  enough  to 
have  one,  or  to  make  one  up  for  the  first 
time,  if  we  were  not. 

We  must  ask  ourselves,  each  and  every  one 
of  us,  what  we  are  spending  for  familiar 
necessities,  what  for  things  we  recognize  as 
luxuries,  and  last,  but  not  least,  what  is 
getting  away  from  us  without  our  knowing  it. 

If  we  do  this  we  shall  pay  our  increasing 
taxes  and  subscribe  for  the  recurring  loans 
with  an  ease  which  will  surprise  us.  We  spend 
a  great  deal  more  money  than  we  realize  and 
we  shall  save  a  great  deal  more  than  we  expect 
to  be  able  to.  When  we  begin  to  weed  out 
unnecessaries  we  shall  realize  how  little  we 
miss  them  and  how  much  they  cost. 

One  of  the  benefits  of  this  war  which  the 
nation  will  be  able  to  set  off  against  its  sacri- 
fice will  be  this  lesson,  which  we  hope  Ameri- 
cans will  not  forget  when  peace  comes. 

The  United  States  is  spending  at  an  enor- 
mous rate.  It  will  continue  to  spend  for  some 
years,  even  after  the  war  ends.  But  the 
American  people  are  so  rich,  and  their  powers 
of  recuperation  are  so  great,  that  they  will 
be  able  to  provide  the  funds  and  pay  the  debts 
f55l 


of  this  war  without  permanently  erippHng 
themselves. 

But  we  must  begin  to  check  over  our  per- 
sonal expenditures  at  once  and  to  reorganize 
them  so  as  to  cut  out  those  which  are  not  for 
absolute  essentials.  And  we  must  begin  to 
put  by  a  reserve  fund  to  pay  taxes  which  will 
increase,  and  to  purchase  bonds  that  will  be 
offered  to  us  from  time  to  time.  If  we  cut 
our  expenditures  wisely  and  save  throughout 
the  year,  we  shall  meet  our  new  responsibili- 
ties without  embarrassment,  and  we  shall  not 
disorganize  the  industries  which  ought  to  be 
maintained. 

The  Government  has  begun  a .  campaign 
of  war  savings.  Keep  this  in  mind.  Reor- 
ganize, save,  put  the  savings  away  for  Uncle 
Sam,  and  be  ready  for  the  next  Loan. 


[56] 


V 

The  National  Need  for  Thrift 

(1)  Conservation  of  materials  and  labor 

People  can  put  into  Government  securities 
only  such  money  as  they  do  not  spend  for 
something  else.  Everyone,  accordingly,  who 
wishes  to  encourage  the  sale  of  Government 
securities  will  be  interested  in  having  people 
curtail  in  buying  other  things. 

Every  purchase  of  a  Liberty  Bond  or  a 
War  Savings  Stamp  is  the  result  on  the  part 
of  the  purchaser  of  two  definite  acts:  first, 
he  does  not  spend  his  money  for  something 
else:  and,  second,  he  does  use  it  to  buy  the 
Bond  or  the  Stamp.  It  is  first  save  and  then 
buy,  even  if  he  subscribes  on  the  installment 
plan. 

To  try  to  sell  a  bond  to  a  man  who  is  using 
up  his  income  from  month  to  month  is  use- 
less, unless  one  first  persuades  him  to  curtail 
his  accustomed  expenditures.  The  more  he 
can  be  persuaded  to  curtail,  the  more  bonds 
he  can  buy. 

(2)  When  we  buy  things  we  don't  need, 

we  help  the  Hun 

But  the  object  of  Thrift  goes  deeper  than  the 
sale  of  Government  securities.    The  best  sol- 

[57] 


diers,  in  however  great  numbers,  and  the 
ablest  leadership,  cannot  win  this  war  with- 
out vast  amounts  of  equipment,  munitions, 
food,  transportation,  etc.  These  can  be  pro- 
duced in  abundance  only  if  enough  labor  can 
be  applied  to  the  task.  We  have  potential 
coal,  steel,  food  and  wool,  in  stupendous  quan- 
tities. What  we  need  is  to  have  it  mined  or 
grown,  transported  and  prepared  for  use  in 
the  necessary  forms.  Every  commodity  nec- 
essary for  winning  the  war  is  useful  only 
through  the  labor  of  head  and  hand  put 
into  it. 

In  the  United  States  we  have  somewhat 
more  than  one  hundred  million  people.  Many 
millions  of  these  are  children,  aged,  or  other- 
wise unavailable  as  workers  to  turn  raw  ma- 
terial into  war- winning  forms.  Millions  of  our 
best  workers  have  been  withdrawn  from  the 
labor  of  producing  to  take  up  the  duty  of 
fighting.  A  limited  number  of  pairs  of  hands 
is  left  to  do  the  work  necessary  for  ordinary 
purposes  as  well  as  to  maintain  those  who  are 
fighting. 

Every  time  anyone  in  the  United  States 
buys  anything,  whatever  it  may  be,  he  buys 
some  of  the  labor  of  those  hands.  Every  time 
he  hires  anyone  to  work  for  him  he  buys  some 
of  the  labor  of  those  hands.  He  thus  depletes 
the  amount  of  labor  available  to  supply  the 
needs  of  the  men  at  the  front. 

To  win  the  war  the  Government  needs  all 
[58  1 


the  labor  it  can  get.  No  one  should  buy  it 
for  his  own  purposes  when  he  can  possibly 
avoid  so  doing. 

''What  can  I  do  ivithmd?" 

To  everyone  comes  the  question:    "How 

much  and  what  materials  and  labor  can  I 

possibly  do  without?"    The  Secretary  of  the 

•Treasury  has  given  the  answer.      He  says: 

"The  people  of  the  United  States  can  render 
the  most  far-reaching  patriotic  service  by  re- 
fraining from  the  purchase  of  all  unnecessary 
articles,  and  by  confining  themselves  to  the 
use  of  only  such  things  and  the  expenditure 
of  only  such  money  as  is  necessary  to  main- 
tain their  health  and  efficiency." 

To  conscientious  people  it  is  unnecessary 
to  say  more.  Each  of  us  must  keep  himself 
well  and  able  to  work.  If  he  does  not,  he  be- 
comes a  burden  on  the  country's  resources 
and  contributes  less  to  them  than  he  should. 
What  is  necessary  for  "health  and  efficiency" 
may  not  be  the  same  for  different  individuals. 
Each  man,  woman  and  child  must  be  guided 
by  his  or  her  own  conscience. 

Habits  are  difficult  to  change.  But  the 
greater  the  intelligence  of  a  people,  the  more 
rapidly  they  can  change  their  habits.  When 
Americans  understand  that  they  must  com- 
bine their  intelligence  and  their  patriotism  on 
this  problem  and  that  only  by  the  self-sacri- 
[59] 


fice  of  each  can  they  release  labor  to  preserve 
the  life  of  their  country  and  the  lives  of  their 
loved  ones,  the  problem  will  be  solved. 

Even  a  child  can  be  shown  that  when  it 
spends  a  nickel  for  an  unnecessary  article,  it 
takes  for  itself,  in  addition  to  the  labor  that 
grew  the  raw  materials,  that  transported  them, 
the  labor  that  manufactured  and  sold  the 
article,  the  labor  that  dug  the  coal  that  en- 
tered into  its  transportation  and  manufac- 
ture, and  the  labor  that  made  the  containers. 
All  of  this  labor  should  be  used  not  for  the 
child's  pleasure  but  for  the  nation's  welfare. 
Everything  that  costs  money  has  required 
labor.  We  must  buy  food,  clothing  and  trans- 
portation only  in  such  quantities  and  of  such 
qualitj^  as  will  keep  us  well  and  able — not  one 
cent's  worth  more.  We  must  apply  our  con- 
sciences to  our  purchasing  and  weigh  the 
needs  of  our  soldiers  and  sailors  against  our 
personal  desires :  we  must  sanctify  our  buying. 

(3)  We  must  not  "spend  as  usual" 

Someone  may  ask:  "But  should  we  not  keep 
on  with  our  accustomed  expenditures,  so  as 
to  keep  workers  in  their  accustomed  employ- 
ments.''" 

The  answer  is:  "No,  the  whole  point  to 
stopping  such  labor-wasting  expenditures  is 
to  allow  these  workers  to  be  engaged  in  work 
that  will  help  win  the  war.  It  transfers  the 
available  man-power  from  callings  that  ham- 
[60  1 


per  us  to  industries  that  will  help  us.    There 
are  more  than  enough  jobs  for  everybody. 

"Usually  the  change  to  a  war- winning  indus- 
try can  be  made  with  little  or  no  inconven- 
ience to  the  worker.  But  even  if  it  entails 
great  inconvenience  or  even  hardship,  it  will 
be  nothing  compared  to  the  inconvenience 
and  hardship  met  by  millions  of  our  men  who 
have  changed  their  peace  time  jobs  here  for 
the  hard  and  dangerous  one  of  fighting  over 
there." 

Someone  may  ash:  "Should  we  not  keep 
money  in  circulation?" 

The  answer  is:  "If  as  soon  as  a  man  gets 
money  he  buys  Liberty  Bonds  or  War  Sav- 
ings Stamps,  money  will  be  in  circulation. 
Uncle  Sam  will  spend  it  for  ships,  shells, 
uniforms,  etc.,  etc.,  so  that  it  comes  back  to 
the  people  in  wages.  That  kind  of  circula- 
tion has  all  the  advantages  of  any  other  kind, 
and  the  tremendous  additional  one  of  helping 
to  win  the  war." 

Someone  may  ask:  "Is  it  not  right  to  buy 
the  things  that  are  already  made  and  on 
which  the  labor  has   already  been  spent?" 

The  answer  is:  "  No,  not  unless  such  things 
really  are  needed  by  the  purchaser.  To  buy 
them  is  to  stimulate  their  further  production." 

Someone  may  ask:    "What  will  be  the  ef- 
fect of  all  this  Thrift  on  the  cost  of  living?" 
The  answer  is:    "The  cost  of  living  in  a 

[61] 


thrifty  nation  will  be  lower  than  it  could  pos- 
sibly be  without  Thrift.  More  of  the  things 
we  all  must  have  will  be  produced  and  there- 
fore will  be  cheaper  than  could  otherwise  be 
possible." 

Summary 
1]  Materials  and  labor  in   vast  amounts 
are  needed  to  win  the  war. 

2]  Into  every  purchase  enters  the  labor 
which  alone  can  make  materials  available. 

3]  Every  purchase  made  above  the  require- 
ments of  personal  "health  and  efficiency" 
subtracts  from  the  materials  and  labor  which 
can  be  used  to  win  the  war. 

Therefore,  any  one  who  wants  to  win  the 
war  will  buy  nothing  except  what  is  abso- 
lutely necessary  for  his  "health  and  effi- 
ciency." 


[62] 


VI 
Striking  Statements  and  Speeches 

(1) 
A  Scrap  of  Paper — Prize  Essay 

Prize  essay  by  Marcus  Duffield  of  San  Diego  (Cal- 
ifornia) High  School,  in  the  National  Contest  held 
by  the  National  Committee  of  Patriotic  Societies 

I  am  a  mere  scrap  of  paper  yet  I  am  the  means 
by  which  this  war  is  to  be  won.  I  have  but  a 
Httle  writing  on  me  but  I  am  better  to  own 
than  fifty  dollars'  worth  of  sohd  gold.  I  am 
known  all  over  the  world  and  am  hailed  as 
the  right  hand  of  freedom's  champions.  Many 
a  scrap  of  paper  has  the  Kaiser  torn  up  but 
1  am  the  scrap  of  paper  which  will  tear  up 
the  Kaiser.  I  am,  as  probably  you  have 
guessed,  a  Liberty  Bond. 

Possibly  you  would  like  to  know  something 
about  my  family.  My  family  tree  is  as  old 
as  time.  Before  Christ,  my  ancestors  saved 
civilization  when,  thru  their  services,  Rome 
was  delivered  from  the  clutches  of  Carthage. 
Ever  since  then  my  family  have  served  faith- 
fully and  truly;  and  now,  with  my  tremen- 
dous duty  I  am  going  to  be  more  than  worthy 
of  my  name  as  I  show  the  back  stairs  to  Kaiser 
Bill."^ 

A  while  ago  I  said  I  was  the  right  hand  of 
freedom's  champions.  Well,  I  surely  am.  For 
[63  1 


three  years  my  French  and  English  brothers 
supplied  the  millions  of  dollars  a  day  spent 
by  these  Allies.  But  the  people  of  France 
and  Great  Britain  can't  loan  forever,  and 
now,  as  they  are  nearing  financial  exhaustion, 
I  come  to  their  aid  thru  Uncle  Sam,  supplying 
the  money  that  they  must  have  if  they  are  to 
fight  any  longer. 

That  is  the  least  of  it  though,  for  Uncle 
Sam  has  to  roll  up  his  own  sleeves.  From  the 
time  of  Washington  down  to  1917  our  Govern- 
ment spent  twenty-six  billions  of  dollars,  and 
now  is  preparing  to  spend  twenty-four  billion 
dollars  in  one  year  for  the  war.  How  is  it 
going  to  get  all  this  money.'*  With  a  magic 
wand.^  No!  with  me,  a  scrap  of  paper,  civiliza- 
tion's best  friend,  savagery's  worst  enemy. 

Without  me,  Uncle  Sam  can  get  no  money; 
no  money,  no  ships;  no  ships,  no  men;  no 
men,  no  victory;  no  victory — the  Prussian 
yoke!  And  it  all  rests  on  me.  I  am  ready 
and  waiting  but  there  is  one  thing  more 
needed:    how  about  YOU  and  your  money .f^ 

(2) 

Statement  by  Dr.  Lyman  Abbott 

We  talk  of  a  war  in  Europe.  If  we  used  lan- 
guage with  accuracy  we  should  not  talk  of  a 
war  in  Europe.  There  is  no  war  in  Europe. 
There  is  a  posse  comitatus  summoned  from  the 
various  civilized  nations  of  the  world  to  pro- 
tect the  peaceable  nations  of  Europe  from  the 
[64] 


worst  and  most  efficient  brigandry  the  civil- 
ized world  has  ever  seen. 

There  are  two  things  necessary  to  make  a 
war.  It  must  be  to  determine  a  question  of 
justice,  and  it  must  be  under  international 
law.  There  is  no  question  of  justice  at  issue 
in  Europe  today. 

When  this  war  was  begun  in  Germany  her 
Prime  Minister  said  to  the  Reichstag,  "We 
are  going  to  do  an  act  of  injustice  to  Belgium. 
We  shall  try  to  repair  it  afterwards." 

In  1913,  the  year  before  that  declaration, 
Bernhardi,  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  military 
party  in  Germany,  had  said: — "War  is  a  bio- 
logical, a  moral  and  a  Christian  necessity." 
He  had  said:  "We  are  going  into  this  war, 
among  other  things,  to  so  crush  France  that 
she  can  never  cross  our  path  again." 

A  few  weeks  ago  a  paper  appeared  before 
the  public,  issued  from  the  pen  of  a  German 
prince  who,  in  1914,  was  the  German  Ambas- 
sador to  England.  In  that  paper  he  declares 
explicitly  that  Germany  egged  Austria  on  to 
make  war  against  Serbia;  that  Germany  re- 
fused the  urgent  entreaties  of  Italy,  France, 
England  and  Russia  to  attempt  a  peaceable 
settlement  of  the  controversy.  He  unmis- 
takably declares  that  Germany  is  guilty  of 
having  brought  this  war  upon  Europe.  With 
that  paper  was  published  another  by  a  one- 
time director  of  Krupp's  carrying  home  to  the 
Kaiser,  the  Emperor  of  Germany,  that  guilt. 
[65  1 


I  go  back  eighteen  years.  In  1900  the 
Kaiser,  in  the  dedication  of  the  monument, 
declared  that  his  ambition  was  to  re-estabhsh 
a  Roman  Empire,  giving  to  Germany  the 
same  domination  of  the  world  that  the  Roman 
Empire  had  in  the  first  century. 

In  the  face  of  these  facts  it  is  impossible 
to  say  that  there  is  any  question  of  justice  to 
be  determined  in  this  war.  I  must  call  it  war, 
because  there  is  no  other  short  word  to  use. 

Nor  is  this  war  conducted  under  the  sanc- 
tion of  international  law.  Germany  has 
openly,  flagrantly,  avowedly  and  with  frank- 
ness— let  us  give  her  credit  for  that  virtue — 
she  has  openly  and  avowedly  declared  that 
she  does  not  recognize  the  law  of  nations,  that 
she  does  not  recognize  the  laws  of  war,  that 
she  does  not  recognize  the  laws  of  humanity, 
that  she  does  not  recognize  the  laws  of  God. 

"  Thou  shall  not  steal."  She  has  robbed 
France  and  Belgium  of  their  iron  and  their 
coal;  she  has  robbed  their 'banks  of  their 
money;  she  has  robbed  their  churches  of 
their  treasure;  she  has  robbed  the  homes  of 
their  pictures  and  their  statuary  and  their 
furniture,  and  what  she  could  not  carry  away 
she  has  in  her  wantonness  destroyed. 

"  Thou  shall  not  kill.'''  She  has  not  only 
killed  soldiers  in  open  warfare,  she  has  mur- 
dered men,  women  and  children — not  a  few, 
but  by  the  score,  by  the  hundreds,  by  the 
thousands. 

[66] 


"  Thou  shall  not  commit  adultery  ^  Her 
soldiers,  with  the  apparent  sanction  of  the 
government,  certainly  with  no  opposition 
from  the  government,  have  raped  more 
women  than  has  ever  been  known  before  in 
the  history  of  warfare. 

The  great  theme  today  is,  "Democracy  or 
Autocracy — Which?"  What  do  we  mean  by 
democracy?  It  is  not  a  mere  form  of  govern- 
ment. France  is  a  republic  and  Italy  is  a 
monarchy,  but  Italy  is  as  truly  a  democracy 
as  France.  America  is  a  republic  and  England 
is  a  monarchy,  and  England,  in  some  respects, 
is  more  democratic  than  the  United  States. 

Democracy  is  not  a  political  opinion.  It 
is  a  religious  faith:  it  is  faith  in  our  fellow- 
men;  it  is  faith  in  one  another;  it  is  respect 
for  each  other's  rights;  it  is  regard  for  each 
other's  opinion;  it  is  human  brotherhood;  its 
name,  or  its  motto,  might  well  be — "Democ- 
racy is  the  land  of  brotherly  love." 

Nor  is  autocracy  a  form  of  government.  I 
will  not  go  into  the  history  of  the  past. 
Enough  to  say  that  autocracy,  as  we  face  it 
today  in  Europe,  is  organized  brigandry  which 
denies  the  elemental  rights  of  humanity — 
the  right  to  life,  the  right  to  liberty,  the  right 
to  the  pursuit  of  happiness. 

Any  man  who  proposes  a  compromise  or  a 
peace  negotiation  with  this  band  of  brigands 
is  guilty  of  treason  to  the  kingdom  of  liberty. 


67 


(3) 

Speech  by  Rudyard  Kipling 

[Made  at  Folkestone,  England,  February  15,  1918] 

Nothing  else  under  Heaven  matters  today 
except  that  the  war  shall  go  on  to  victory. 
The  money  we  loan  to  the  Government  helps 
to  set  our  land  and  our  world  free.  Our 
security  for  our  loan  is  not  only  the  whole 
of  the  British  Empire,  but  also  the  whole  of 
civilization,  which  has  pooled  its  resources  in 
men,  money,  and  material  to  carry  on  this 
war  to  victory. 

What  is  the  personal  aspect  of  the  case 
for  you  and  me?  We  are  fighting  for  our 
lives  and  the  lives  of  every  man,  woman  and 
child  here  and  everywhere  else. 

W^e  are  "fighting  that  we  may  not  be  herded 
into  actual  slavery,  such  as  the  Germans  have 
established  by  force  of  their  arms  in  large 
parts  of  Europe. 

We  are  fighting  against  18  hours  a  day 
forced  labor  under  lash  or  at  the  point  of  the 
bayonet,  with  a  dog's  death  and  a  dog's 
burial  at  the  end  of  it. 

We  are  fighting  that  men,  women  and  chil- 
dren may  not  be  tortured,  burned,  and  muti- 
lated in  the  public  streets,  as  has  happened 
in  this  town  and  hundreds  of  others.  And 
we  will  go  on  fighting  till  the  race  which  has 
done  these  things  is  in  no  position  to  con- 
tinue or  repeat  its  offense. 
[68  1 


If  for  any  reason  whatever  we  fall  short 
of  victory — and  there  is  no  half-way  house 
between  victory  and  defeat — what  happens 
to  us?     This: 

Every  relation,  every  understanding,  every 
decency  upon  which  civilization  has  been  so 
anxiously  built  up  will  go,  will  be  washed 
out,  because  it  will  have  been  proved  unable 
to  endure.  The  whole  idea  of  democracy — 
which  at  bottom  is  what  the  Hun  fights 
against — will  be  dismissed  from  men's  minds, 
because  it  will  have  been  shown  incapable  of 
maintaining  itself  against  the  Hun. 

It  will  die,  and  it  will  die  discredited,  to- 
gether with  every  belief  and  practice  that  is 
based  on  it. 

The  Hun  ideal 
The  Hun  ideal,  the  Hun's  root  notion  of 
life,  will  take  its  place  throughout  the  world. 
Under  that  dispensation  man  will  become 
once  more  the  natural  prey,  body  and  goods, 
of  the  better  armed  neighbor.  Women  will 
be  the  mere  instrument  for  continuing  the 
breed — the  vessel  of  man's  lust  and  man's 
cruelty — and  labor  will  become  a  thing  to  be 
knocked  on  the  head  if  it  dares  to  give  trouble 
and  worked  to  death  if  it  does  not.  And 
from  this  order  of  life  there  will  be  no  appeal, 
no  possibility  of  any  escape.  This  is  what 
the  Hun  means  when  he  says  he  intends  to 
impose  German  Kultur — which  is  the  German 
[69] 


religion — upon  the  world.  This  is  precisely 
what  the  world  has  banded  itself  together  to 
resist. 

It  will  take  every  ounce  in  us;  it  will  try 
us  out  to  the  naked  soul.  Our  trial  will  not 
be  made  less  by  the  earnest  advice  and  sug- 
gestions that  we  should  accept  some  sort  of 
compromise,  which  means  defeat,  put  for- 
ward by  Hun  agents  and  confederates  among 
us.  They  are  busy  in  that  direction  already. 
But  be  sure  of  this:  Nothing,  nothing  we 
may  have  to  endure  now,  will  weigh  one 
featherweight  compared  with  what  we  shall 
most  certainly  have  to  suffer  if  for  any  cause 
we  fail  of  victory. 

(4) 
Speech  by  Hon.  Benedict  Crowell 

Assistant  Secretary  of  War 

We  are  now  at  war  with  the  greatest  military 
organization  that  the  world  has  ever  known. 
We  are  locked  in  a  death  grapple  with  this 
monster  of  militarism.  It  is  a  fight  to  a 
finish  with  an  enemy  that  gives  no  quarter 
to  the  vanquished. 

We  realize  the  enormous  task  before  us 
and  we  are  confident  of  winning,  but  it  will 
take  the  combined  punch  of  the  whole  Amer- 
ican people  and  will  require  an  immense  ex- 
penditure of  men  and  money. 

Did  it  ever  occur  to  you  to  think  what 
[70  1 


would  happen  if  we  failed?  If  we  are  beaten 
in  France  the  struggle  will  probably  be  trans- 
ferred to  American  soil.  Plans  for  the  in- 
vasion and  subjugation  of  the  United  States 
are  now  on  file  in  the  office  of  the  German 
General  Staff.  This  we  know  definitely.  This 
invasion  will  mean  that  we  are  to  suffer  here 
all  the  horrors  of  Belgium  and  Poland.  Do 
you  wish  your  wife  and  children  to  be  actors 
in  such  a  drama  of  f rightfulness.'^ 

I  am  appealing  for  the  success  of  the  Lib- 
erty Bond  issue.  It  is  a  matter  which  di- 
rectly affects  every  man  in  the  United  States. 
I  strongly  urge  you  to  buy  all  the  Liberty 
bonds  that  you  can  afford,  and  then  a  few 
more.  There  is  no  better  investment  for  you 
on  earth.  Remember  that  the  Germans  issue 
no  bonds  for  the  money  they  extort  from  con- 
quered peoples. 

(5) 
Speech  to  Women  by  Katherine  Synon 

Why  should  we  women  work  for  the  Liberty 
Loan? 

Why  shouldn't  we  work  for  it? 

Shall  we  leave  it  all  to  our  men — and  to 
the  women  of  other  countries  to  fight  our 
fight  for  us? 

Over  in  France,  where  our  men  have  gone 
or  are  going,  the  women  are  ploughing  in  the 
fields  that  the  men  of  their  armies  may  be  fed. 
[71] 


The  women  of  England  from  the  highest 
to  the  humblest  are  toiling  in  munition  fac- 
tories— giving  up  youth  and  beauty  and 
health  and  strength  to  make  guns  and  shells 
for  their  fighting  men. 

The  women  of  Serbia  starve  that  their  men 
may  have  food  as  they  fight  back  the  enemy. 

The  women  of  Italy  go  under  fire  day  after 
day  to  nurse  their  suffering  wounded. 

The  women  of  Flanders  have  suffered 
worse  than  death. 

You  say  that  all  this  is  overseas.'*  Do  you 
believe  that  because  the  ocean  lies  between, 
you  can  shirk  your  duty.^*  What  will  you 
say  to  your  boys  when  they  come  home.'^ 
They  will  know  what  other  women  have 
done  for  their  men.  They  will  know  what 
our  neighbors,  the  women  of  Canada,  have 
suffered  and  sacrificed  for  their  soldiers. 
From  Halifax  to  Vancouver,  from  the  Lake 
of  the  Woods  to  far  Peace  River  Valley,  our 
northern  sisters  are  bearing  a  burden  of  hard- 
ship and  hunger  that  their  fighting  men  may 
be  fed  and  clothed.  Will  you  do  less  than 
they? 

America  is  a  woman  s  country 
Of  all  the  countries  of  the  world  America 
is  a  woman's  country.  What  have  we  been' 
given?  Opportunity,  security,  comfort  and 
care.  Contrast  our  lot,  if  you  will,  with  the 
women  of  German  v.  The  men  of  Germany 
^[721 


have  given  them  always  the  second  place. 
But  today  the  women  of  Germany  are  back- 
ing their  men  by  sacrifices.  Will  we  do  less 
than  they.' 

What  can  we  do? 

The  Government  of  the  United  States  asks 
you  to  do  only  two  things:  to  save  and  to 
invest  your  savings  in  Libert^"  Bonds.  Lib- 
erty Bonds  are  not  a  gift  to  the  Government. 
A  Liberty  Bond  is  not  a  contribution.  It  is 
an  investment  for  a  definite  period  of  years 
and  the  safest  investment  in  the  world. 

A  Liberty  Bond  pays  good  interest. 

It  is  guaranteed  by  the  resources  of  our 
Government  and  our  Government  is  the 
richest  on  earth. 

Some  of  you  may  say,  "I  have  already 
bought  a  Bond."  You  probably  all  know  the 
story  of  the  three  chorus  girls  who  were  talk- 
ing of  buying  a  Christmas  present  for  a 
fourth  member  of  their  company.  "Say," 
said  one  of  them,  "let's  buy  her  a  book." 
"Oh,  no,"  said  the  others,  "Gwendolen  has  a 
book."  Now,  if  Gwendolen  could  stand 
having  another  book,  you  can  certainly  buy 
another  Bond.  If  you  have  two,  make  it 
three  and  if  you  don't  want  any  more  for 
yourself,  buy  one  for  someone  else. 

What  does  a  Liberty  Bond  do? 

You  may  ask  yourself  how  your  investment 
of  fifty  or  a  hundred  dollars  is  going  to  help 
our  country  win  the  war.     Well,  every  Lib- 
f73l 


erty  Bond  has  a  definite  purchasing  power. 
Whenever  you  buy  a  bond,  you  buy  some- 
thing for  a  soldier  or  sailor.  The  Liberty 
Loans  are  clothing,  feeding  and  sheltering 
our  men.  They  are  buying  them  all  possible 
safeguards.  Liberty  Loans  are  providing 
their  pay  and  their  allowances  to  their  fami- 
lies. They  are  building  transports  and  food 
ships  and  hospital  ships.  They  are  paying 
insurance  to  the  families  of  the  men  who  die 
and  will  pay  pensions  to  disabled  men.  When- 
ever you  pay  one  dollar  down  on  an  install- 
ment or  a  thousand  dollars  cash  for  a  Liberty 
Bond,  you  are  helping  to  care  for  some  sol- 
dier, or  sailor,  or  marine  of  our  own  United 
States. 

I  wonder  if  you  know  what  it  means  to  be 
hungry?  Or  to  know  that  your  boys  are 
hungry  .f*  Thanks  to  the  first  and  the  second 
Liberty  Loans,  our  soldiers  have  not  gone 
hungry — but  the  soldiers  of  our  Allies,  even 
sick  men  in  hospitals,  have  gone  without  food 
they  should  have  had.  Only  the  other  day 
I  had  a  letter  from  an  American  soldier  who 
had  been  taken  ill  on  the  transport  and  sent 
to  a  base  hospital  in  England.  There  he 
has  been  put — necessarily — on  the  rations  of 
an  English  sick  soldier;  tea  and  war  bread 
for  breakfast,  tea  and  war  bread  for  dinner; 
cocoa  and  war  bread  for  supper.  One  day 
there  came  to  the  ward  an  old  man  and 
woman,  the  American  consul  at  Southampton 
[74] 


and  his  wife.  They  had  travelled  miles  to 
visit  this  sick  American  boy  who  was  a  total 
stranger  to  them,  and  they  had  brought  to 
him  the  greatest  luxury  in  England — one 
fresh  egg. 

''What  have  YOU  done?'' 
When  the  war  is  won — thanks  to  those  men 
of  America  who  are  giving  up  their  lives  or 
their  fortunes  to  its  winning, — there  will  be 
a  day  of  reckoning.  Your  country,  your 
friends,  your  soul  will  ask  you.  What  have 
you  done.f^  If  you  have  gone  your  comfort- 
able ways,  giving  nothing  to  the  country  that 
shelters  you,  what  will  your  answer  be.^^ 

When  the  war  is  over,  will  you  dare  to  say 
this.? 

"What  have  I  given,  bold  sailor  on  the  sea, 
In  earth  or  heaven, 
That  you  should  die  for  me? 
What  can  I  give,  oh,  soldier  leal  and  brave, 
Long  as  I  live  to  pay  the  life  you  gave?" 

Sleepless  and  hungry,  standing  erect  in  the 
trenches  as  the  dawn  is  breaking,  the  soldier 
dreams  of  victory  and  of  home.  That  he 
may  realize  the  first,  and  see  the  other  again, 
subscribe  to  the  Fourth  Liberty  Loan. 


[75] 


(6) 

Speech  to  Farmers  by  Herbert  Quick 

The  farmer  everywhere  loves  peace.  The 
American  farmer  especially  loves  peace.  Since 
the  dawn  of  history,  the  farmer  has  been  the 
man  who  suffered  most  from  war.  All  that 
he  possesses  lies  out  of  doors  in  plain  sight, 
and  is  spoil  of  war — his  house,  his  grain,  his 
livestock.  He  knows  that  he  pays  the  price 
of  war  "in  steer  and  gear  and  stack,"  and, 
that  the  flames  that  light  the  skies  in  the 
rear  of  every  invading  army  are  consuming 
the  things  that  yesterday  represented  his 
life  work,  and  the  life  labors  of  past  genera- 
tions of  farmers — the  little  coral  islands  of 
comfort  and  wealth  that  decades  of  toil  on 
the  farm  builds  up. 

If  the  Imperial  German  Government  had 
made  and  enforced  an  order  that  no  American 
farmer  should  leave  his  own  land,  that  he 
could  not  haul  a  load  of  grain  or  drive  a 
head  of  stock  to  town — if  in  fact  the  Kaiser 
had  laid  an  interdict  on  all  intercourse  be- 
tween farm  and  farm  and  between  farm  and 
town,  he  would  have  done  only  a  little  more 
than  he  accomplished  by  his  interdict  against 
American  farmers'  use  of  the  sea.  What  was 
the  order  against  which  we  rebelled  when  we 
went  into  this  war?  Look  at  the  condition 
of  the  American  farmer  in  the  latter  part  of 
1914  and  the  first  half  of  1915  and  see. 
[76] 


When  the  war  broke  out  through  terror  and 
surprise  and  panic  we  gave  up  for  a  while 
the  uses  of  the  sea  as  a  highway.  And  so 
long  as  we  gave  it  up,  we,  the  farmers  of 
America,  were  ruined.  I  know  an  Iowa 
farmer  who  sold  his  1914  crop  of  25,000 
bushels  of  wheat  for  seventy  cents  a  bushel. 
Farmers  in  the  South  sold  their  cotton  for 
half  the  cost  of  producing  it.  All  this  time 
those  portions  of  the  world  whose  ports  were 
open  were  ready  to  pay  almost  any  price  for 
our  products;  and  when  we  finally  rallied 
and  set  once  more  in  motion  the  ships  of  the 
world,  prosperity  returned  to  the  farms  of 
America.  But  prosperity  never  returned  to 
the  farmers  of  those  nations  which  remained 
cut  off  from  the  seas. 

Why  we  drew  the  sword 
But  why  did  we  draw  the  sword.'*  Was  it 
to  protect  the  price  of  wheat  and  cotton, 
and  to  protect  trade  only?  If  someone 
should  order  you  to  remain  on  your  farm 
and  not  to  use  the  public  highways,  would 
your  resistance  be  based  only  on  the  fear  of 
loss  in  property',  the  profits  from  failure  to 
market  your  crops,  in  inconvenience  in  not 
being  able  to  buy  your  supplies  in  town.'' 
By  no  means!  You  would  fight  to  the  last 
gasp,  not  to  make  money,  but  to  be  free. 

This  then  is  the  war  in  which  we  are  fight- 
ing.   Whenever  the  time  comes  for  new  sacri- 
[77  1 


fices,  let  us  remember  that  we  fight  for  Hberty. 
Not  only  for  the  liberty  of  the  Belgians,  the 
French,  the  Servians,  the  Italians,  but  of  all 
nations,  even  for  the  German  people  them- 
selves, and  most  of  all  for  our  own  liberties. 
Not  for  our  own  liberties  tomorrow,  or  next 
year,  or  twenty  years  from  now,  but  for  our 
freedom  today.  Not  for  the  right  to  live  in 
the  future,  but  for  the  right  to  make  a  living 
this  year. 

The  Farmers  can  whip  Germany 

The  farmers  of  this  country  could  carry 
the  war  to  a  victorious  conclusion  even  if  all 
the  rest  of  the  nation  should  quit.  The  rest 
will  not  quit;  but  we  could  win  it  without 
them  if  we  had  to  do  it. 

The  farmers  of  the  United  States  can  whip 
Germany. 

We  can  whip  them  with  guns. 

We  can  whip  them  with  our  products. 

We  can  whip  them  with  our  money. 

Every  farmer  in  the  United  States  must 
remember  that  the  war  has  a  first  mortgage 
on  every  cent  he  has.  The  last  spare  cent 
in  the  pockets  of  every  farmer  in  America 
should  be  devoted  to  the  war. 

The  Kaiser  began  foreclosing  his  mortgage ' 
on  our  farms  when  he  declared  ruthless  sub- 
marine warfare,  and  the  war  is  our  answer 
to  his  bill  of  foreclosure. 

Our   contribution   is,   first   our   sons   and 
[78] 


brothers  for  the  trenches;  second,  the  last 
pound  of  food  products  which  we  can  grow 
by  mobilizing  our  scanty  labor-supply;  utiliz- 
ing the  men,  women  and  children  and  the 
townspeople  about  us;  and  third,  money  for 
Liberty  Bonds. 

We  are  at  the  crucial  period  of  the  war. 
Our  soldiers  are  at  the  front,  more  than  a 
million  overseas  and  as  many  more  ready 
to  go.  The  whole  burden  of  carrying  on  our 
part  in  the  war  and  of  aiding  our  sister  na- 
tions in  arms  rests  on  the  United  States 
Treasury. 

If  the  Treasury  fails  or  falters  or  finds  it- 
self unable  to  respond  to  every  call  upon  it, 
the  war  is  lost.    Do  you  realize  this.'* 

Your  son  and  all  the  nation's  sons  are 
relying  on  the  United  States  Treasury  to  fur- 
nish things  with  which  they  may  fight. 

Their  lives  are  lost  if  the  Treasury  fails. 
Our  country  is  lost  if  the  Treasury  fails. 

Germany  wins  if  the  Treasury  fails. 

(7) 

Speech  to  Industrial  Workers 
by  William  Mather  Lewis 

[National  Committee  of  Patriotic  Societies] 

Someone  has  said  of  Charles  M.  Schwab — 
the  man  who  is  building  the  bridge  of  boats 
to  Pershing — that  no  man  ever  worked  jor 
him.  His  success  lies  in  his  ability  to  get 
[79] 


men  to  work  tinth  him.  It  is  also  true  that 
in  this  great  war  no  man  or  woman  works 
for  Uncle  Sam  but  all  work  with  him  to  the 
end  that  we  shall  win  this  war  and  bring 
peace  and  happiness  to  the  whole  world. 

It  is  a  sad  fact  that  everybody  is  not  yet 
willing  to  work  with  the  Government.  I 
heard  a  very  unpleasant  thing  in  a  hotel 
lobby  the  other  day.  A  man  was  asked  to 
buy  a  War  Savings  Stamp  and  he  exclaimed, 
"Oh,  they  are  working  this  thing  to  death, 
there  is  a  drive  every  other  day,  they  will 
drive  us  to  death.  I  subscribed  to  three 
Liberty  Bond  issues,  to  the  Red  Cross,  the 
Y.  M.  C.  A.  and  the  Knights  of  Columbus  and 
I  am  going  to  lay  off  this  time." 

Well  now,  what  if  one  of  those  boys  in 
Pershing's  Army  should  say — "Oh,  they're 
working  this  thing  too  hard;  there  is  a  drive 
every  other  day,  they  will  drive  us  to  death. 
I  have  helped  resist  three  German  attacks — 
and  here  comes  another.  I  am  going  to  lay 
off  on  this  one  and  beat  it  back  to  billets.'  " 

Now  you  know  what  would  be  done  to 
that  boy — he  would  be  treated  as  a  deserter; 
and  yet  he  would  be  no  more  responsible  for 
losing  this  war  than  was  that  man  in  the 
lobby.  We  have  no  more  right  to  lay  off  on 
our  job  or  quit  our  support  of  the  war  than 
th^t  boy  has. 

When  the  United  States  went  to  war 
100,000,000  people  were  supposed  to  give  their 
[80] 


service  to  the  country  either  in  the  first  Hne 
trenches  in  France  or  the  second  Hne  trenches 
at  home;  may  the  day  soon  come  when  soldier 
and  civiHan  receive  the  same  treatment.  If  a 
tired  boy  who  goes  to  sleep  on  his  post  is  in 
danger  of  being  shot  as  punishment,  that  man 
in  America  who  sells  the  Army  rotten  beef  or 
poor  uniforms  should  be  hung  to  the  nearest 
tree,  and  the  man  who  starts  a  strike  and  gets 
men  to  quit  work  or  slow  up  on  war  produc- 
tion should  be  tarred  and  feathered  and  run 
out  of  town. 

This  war  has  been  going  on  for  over  four 
years  and  Germany  is  far  from  being  whipped 
yet.  Those  first  line  trenches  in  France  are 
not  3000  miles  away  from  our  second  line 
trenches  here  in  America  but  only  seven  days 
away,  and  if  the  line  breaks  they  will  be  still 
nearer.  The  Kaiser  was  in  dead  earnest  when 
he  said  to  Ambassador  Gerard,  "America  had 
better  look  out,  I  shall  stand  no  nonsense 
from  America." 

We  have  got  to  win  this  war  in  Europe  or 
fight  it  out  in  America — and  we  will  win  it  in 
Europe  if  every  soldier  in  our  second  line 
trenches  at  home  does  his  duty  as  well  as 
Pershing's  boys  in  the  first  line  trenches  do 
theirs. 

We  are  having  some  trouble  with  our 
housing  conditions — and  many  of  us  are  un- 
comfortable— but  the  boys  in  the  trenches 
are  sleeping  in  mud.  We  have  to  fight  our 
[81] 


way  out  of  crowded  street  cars — but  the 
boys  at  the  front  have  to  walk  with  shells 
falling  all  around  them.  We  have  had  plenty 
of  hot  weather  this  summer — but  the  Ger- 
mans will  make  it  hot  over  there  for  our 
boys,  summer  and  winter.  So  it's  up  to  you 
and  me  to  "Pack  up  our  troubles  in  our  old 
kit  bag  and  smile,  smile,  smile,"  because  we 
are  part  of  the  biggest  game  that  has  ever 
been  played  in  the  world  and  we  are  playing 
it  on  the  side  of  the  best  government  in  the 
world. 

The  war  has  brought  about  a  period  of 
high  wages  for  the  industrial  worker,  not  only 
in  munition  plants  but  in  every  line  of  work. 
As  a  result  of  it  he  has,  or  can  have,  some- 
thing over  at  the  end  of  the  month,  in  spite 
of  the  high  cost  of  living.  That  is  where  his 
wife  comes  in.  She  was  always  the  one  that 
made  a  little  go  a  long  way  when  times  were 
hard  and  work  was  slack,  and  she  can  now  join 
with  her  husband  in  putting  something  by. 

We  must  Save  and  Lend 
Your  country  asks  you  to  save  and  buy 
Liberty  Bonds,  for  three  good  reasons: 

It's  vnse.  Good  times  and  high  wages  may 
not  last  forever.  Now  is  the  time  to  lay 
something  aside  for  the  future.  There  is 
nothing  so  sad  as  to  see  the  hard-earned  dol- 
lars of  the  worker  lost  in  bad  investments. 
The  soundest  provision  you  can  make  for  the 
[82] 


future  is  to  put  your  savings  into  Liberty 
Bonds. 

It's  fair.  We  all  know  that  the  high  wages 
of  today  are  the  direct  result  of  the  war.  So 
are  high  taxes.  If  the  profits  of  the  rich  are 
taxed  all  the  way  up  to  80%,  isn't  it  the 
decent  thing  for  the  worker  to  put  a  good 
deal  of  his  war  profits  into  Liberty  Bonds.'' 
Taxes  are  never  paid  back.  United  States 
Bonds  always  are. 

It's  patriotic.  No  people  love  their  country 
better  than  the  American  people.  None  have 
better  reason  to  do  so. 

Your  country  calls.  She  needs  the  money. 
Make  your  dollars  fight. 

Next  to  the  soldier  himself  no  one  is  doing 
a  bigger  work  than  those  who  are  working  in 
a  plant  like  this,  that  keeps  the  army  fight- 
ing at  its  best  because  it  knows  that  the 
materials  so  quickly  used  up  are  being  pro- 
duced with  equal  rapidity.  Your  job  is  big 
and  worth  while  and  every  one  is  a  neces- 
sary cog  in  Uncle  Sam's  steam  roller  that 
some  day  will  go  rumbling  into  Berlin.  Every 
man  who  sticks  on  his  job  faithfully  and 
patriotically  is  hastening  that  day  as  much 
as  if  he  were  fighting  the  Germans  in  France. 

I  congratulate  you  upon  your  work  and 
upon  the  way  you  are  holding  the  second 
line  trenches.  I  know  it  is  not  the  pay 
envelope  you  have  your  eye  on,  but  the 
Kaiser.  But  the  pay  envelope  is  one  of  the 
[83] 


best  fighters  we  have  nevertheless.  Uncle 
Sam  is  going  to  need  a  pile  of  money  to  clean 
up  this  job  and  he  wants  you  to  lend  it  to 
him. 

The  boys  at  the  front  are  laying  down  their 
lives  for  their  country  and  Uncle  Sam  can't 
give  them  that  back.  It  doesn't  seem  much 
of  a  sacrifice  in  comparison  to  lay  down  our 
money  and  get  it  back  with  interest  in  a  few 
years.  But  if  that  is  what  our  country  wants 
of  you  and  me,  the  least  we  can  do  is  to  re- 
spond quickly  and  loyally.  These  are  the 
orders  to  the  second  line  army  in  the  shops  of 
America — stick  on  the  job,  deliver  the  goods 
and  the  money,  and  Pershing  and  our  boys 
will  do  the  rest. 

No  man  can  tell  me  that  the  crowd  to 
which  I  now  speak  is  not  as  game  as  any 
crowd  in  America  and  I  know  your  answer  to 
the  call  of  America  is — we  are  with  you  till 
the  last  German  gun  is  silenced! 


[84 


(8) 
Speech  to  School  Children 
by  William  Mather  Lewis 

[National  Committee  of  Patriotic  Societies] 

I  have  come  to  bring  you  a  message  from 
school  children  of  your  own  age,  from  the 
children  of  battle-swept  Europe,  and  the  mes- 
sage is  this— "We  have  suffered  very,  very 
much  in  the  last  four  years,  but  we  will  be 
brave  and  do  everything  we  can  to  win  this 
war  if  the  school  children  of  America  will 
help  us." 

This  is  a  message  to  every  one  of  you  living 
here  in  security  and  comfort  unknown  to  your 
cousins  across  the  sea.  In  France  today  there 
are  thousands  of  children  who  have  forgotten 
how  to  smile  because  of  the  cruelty  of  the 
German  invaders;  children  whose  school 
room  is  a  dark  cellar  in  a  half-ruined  village. 

In  Belgium  the  children  are  begging  for 
just  enough  food  to  keep  them  alive.  They 
are  being  torn  from  the  arms  of  their  pa- 
rents, sent  through  Germany  into  Switzer- 
land and  thrown  half  starved  onto  the  French 
border.  In  Poland  the  bones  of  murdered 
little  ones  are  scattered  on  the  plains.  "There 
are  no  children  in  Poland  under  six  years  of 
age,"  says  Paderewski. 

In  Italy  the  German  soldiers  have  forced 
boys  and  girls  to  marcli  before  them  so  that 
the  Allies  will  not  fire  on  them. 
[85] 


In  England  whole  families  have  been  wiped 
out  by  bombs  from  the  cowardly  Zeppelin. 

Everywhere  in  those  battle-torn  lands  the 
children  are  stretching  out  their  arms  for  help. 
To  whom.'*  To  you — children  of  America.  To 
you  who  do  not  know  the  horrors  of  war  be- 
cause the  brave  fathers  of  those  suffering  lit- 
tle ones  in  Europe  have  kept  the  enemy  from 
our  land.  We  must  pay  back  France  and  Bel- 
gium and  Great  Britain  and  Italy  for  fighting 
our  battles  for  us.  We  must  answer  the  appeal 
of  those  outstretched  arms. 

Waste  nothing 

Our  Government  is  trying  to  get  wheat  and 
meat  and  other  supplies  over  there  where  the 
hands  are  outstretched.  Everything  you 
waste  on  your  plate,  every  spoonful  of  un- 
necessary sugar  you  take,  makes  it  harder 
for  our  Government  to  supply  the  need  and 
brings  more  tears  to  the  eyes  of  the  children 
in  Europe.  Everything  you  save,  every  little 
comfort  you  give  up  brightens  the  day  for 
some  little  one  across  the  seas  and  helps  to 
defeat  the  cruel  Kaiser. 

Our  Government  is  lending  money  to  our 
brave  Allies.  In  order  to  get  this  money  to 
lend  the  Allies  and  to  buy  food  for  them  and 
for  our  own  soldiers.  Uncle  Sam  has  to  borrow 
it  from  your  parents  and  from  millions  of  other 
parents  throughout  America.  Uncle  Sam  gives 
every  one  who  lends  him  the  money  a  sheet 

rsei 


of  paper,  his  promise  to  pay  the  money  back, 
and  this  sheet  of  paper  is  called  a  Liberty 
Bond.  Each  one  of  you  should  ask  your  father 
tonight  if  he  has  bought  a  Bond,  if  he  has 
done  his  part  to  feed  the  hungry  little  ones 
of  Europe,  to  supph^  help  so  that  the  Allies 
can  fight  on,  and  to  give  our  boys  in  the 
trenches  all  the  guns  and  ammunition  they 
need.  Tell  him  that  you  will  give  him  your 
spending  money  and  everything  else  you  can 
earn  to  him  to  help  buy  a  Bond. 

Listen!  Across  three  thousand  miles  of 
ocean  we  can  hear  the  boom  of  the  American 
guns  punishing  those  who  have  been  cruel 
to  children.  The  boys  who  fire  them  were 
the  school  children  of  America  but  a  little 
while  ago.  You  children  are  the  home  army 
that  is  backing  up  our  army  in  France. 
Your  weapons  are  saving  habits  and  Liberty 
Bonds.  There  can  be  no  slackers!  The  chil- 
dren of  Europe  depend  upon  you!  Forward! 
March! 


[87] 


VII 
Quotations  and  Stories 

(1)  Poetry  on  the  war 

A  few  selections  of  inspiring  poetry  on  the  war 
are  given  below.  It  is  suggested  to  speakers 
that  as  a  general  rule  it  is  inadvisable  to  quote 
more  than  one  verse  of  a  poem. 


Team  Work 

It  ain't  the  guns  nor  armament 
Nor  funds  that  they  can  pay. 

But  the  close  co-operation 

That  makes  them  win  the  day. 

It  ain't  the  individual, 

Nor  the  Armj^  as  a  whole, 
But  the  everlasting  team  work, 

Of  every  bloomin'  soul. 

RuDYARD  Kipling 


88 


I  Have  a  Rendezvous  with  .Death 

I  have  a  rendezvous  with  Death 

At  some  disputed  barricade, 

When  Spring  comes  round  with  rustUng  shade 

And  apple  blossoms  fill  the  air — 
I  have  a  rendezvous  with  Death 

When  Spring  brings  back  blue  days  and  fair. 

It  may  be  he  shall  take  my  hand 
And  lead  me  into  his  dark  land 

And  close  my  eyes  and  quench  my  breath — 
It  may  be  I  shall  pass  him  still. 

I  have  a  rendezvous  with  Death 
On  some  scarred  slope  of  battered  hill, 

W  hen  Spring  comes  round  again  this  year 

And  the  first  meadow  flowers  appear. 

God  knows!  'twere  better  to  be  deep 

Pillowed  in  silk  and  scented  down, 
W'here  Love  throbs  out  in  blissful  sleep, 

Pulse  nigh  to  pulse,  and  breath  to  breath. 
Where  hushed  awakenings  are  dear — 

But  I've  a  rendezvous  with  Death 
At  midnight  in  some  flaming  town. 
When  Spring  trips  north  again  this  year, 

And  I  to  my  pledged  word  am  true, 

I  shall  not  fail  that  rendezvous. 

Allan  Seeger 

{Killed  in  action  July  5,  1016) 


89] 


The  Soldier 

If  I  should  die,  think  only  this  of  me: 

That  there's  some  corner  of  a  foreign  field 
That  is  forever  England.     There  shall  be 

In  that  rich  earth  a  richer  dust  concealed; 
A  dust  whom  England  bore,  shaped,  made  aware, 

Gave,  once,  her  flowers  to  love,  her  ways  to 
roam, 
A  body  of  England's,  breathing  English  air, 

Washed  by  the  rivers,  blest  by  suns  of  home. 


And  think,  this  heart,  all  evil  shed  away, 
A  pulse  in  the  eternal  mind,  no  less 
Gives  somewhere  back  the  thought  by  England 
given; 

Her  sights  and  sounds;  dreams  happy  as  her  day; 
And  laughter,  learnt  of  friends;  and  gentleness 
In  hearts  at  peace,  under  an  English  heaven. 

Rupert  Brooke 
(Who  fought  and  died  in  Gallipoli  April  23,  1916) 


90 


The  Dead 

Blow  out,  you  bugles,  over  the  rich  Dead! 

There's  none  of  these  so  lonely  and  poor  of  old. 

But,  dying,  has  made  us  rarer  gifts  than  gold. 
These  laid  the  world  away;  poured  out  the  red. 

Sweet  wine  of  youth;  gave  up  the  years  to  be 
Of  work  and  joy,  and  that  unhoped  serene, 
That  men  call  age;    and  those  who  would  have 
been, 

Their  sons,  they  gave  their  immortality. 


Blow,  bugles,  blow!     They  brought  us,  for  our 
dearth, 

Holiness,  lacked  so  long,  and  Love,  and  Pain. 
Honor  has  come  back,  as  a  king,  to  earth. 
And  paid  his  subjects  with  a  royal  wage; 

And  Nobleness  walks  in  our  ways  again; 
And  we  have  come  into  our  heritage. 

Rupert  BboOke 


[91 


When  I  Come  Home 

^Yhen  I  come  home,  and  leave  behind 
Dark  things  I  would  not  call  to  mind, 
ril  taste  good  ale  and  home-made  bread. 
And  see  white  sheets  and  pillows  spread. 
And  there  is  one  who'll  softly  creep 
To  kiss  me,  ere  I  fall  asleej) 
And  tuck  me  'neath  the  counterpane, 
And  I  shall  be  a  boy  again 

When  I  come  home! 

When  I  come  home,  from  dark  to  light 
And  tread  the  roadways  long  and  white, 
And  tramp  the  lanes  I  tramped  of  yore. 
And  see  the  village  greens  once  nlore, 
The  tranquil  farms,  the  meadows  free. 
The  friendly  trees  that  nod  to  me, 
And  hear  the  lark  beneath  the  sun, 
'Twill  be  good  pay  for  what  I've  done 

When  I  come  home! 

Leslie  Coulson 

.  {Killed  in  action  Oct.  7,  1916) 


9^2 


A  Mother's  Dedication 

Dear  son  of  mine,  the  baby  days  are  over, 
I  can  no  longer  shield  you  from  the  earth; 

Vet  in  my  heart  always  I  must  remember 

How  through  the  dark  I  fought  to  give  you  birth. 

Dear  son  of  mine,  by  all  the  lives  behind  you; 

By  all  our  fathers  fought  for  in  the  past; 
In  this  great  war  to  which  your  birth  has  brought 
you, 

Acquit  you  well,  hold  you  our  honor  fast! 

God  guard  you,  son  of  mine,  where'er  you  wander; 

God  lead  the  banners  under  which  you  fight; 
You  are  my  all,  I  give  you  to  the  Nation, 

God  shall  uphold  you  that  you  fight  aright. 

Margaret  Peterson 


93] 


To  Arms 

To  arms!  To  arms!  You  that  are  men! 
Fight  for  the  right — for  peace  again. 
Crush  the  vile  serpent  under  heel; 
With  stern  set  jaws  meet  steel  with  steel. 
And  let  the  German  "Kultur"  feel 
We're  in  this  war  to  win. 

To  arms!  To  arms!  You  women  all! 
Your  country  sends  a  trumpet  call. 
Do  what  you  can,  you  may,  you  must 
Help  to  redeem  the  world  from  lust; 
In  you  our  men  have  put  their  trust; 
Help  them  this  war  to  win. 

That  right  shall  ever  conquer  might, 
March  on,  brave  boys,  to  win  the  fight; 
And  put  to  rout  those  hordes  in  gray, 
While  women  work,  and  weep,  and  pray 
That  soon  may  come  the  glorious  day 
When  Freedom's  flag  shall  win. 

Florence  Scripps  Kellogg 


[94] 


April  2d 

[Inspired  by  President  Wilsons  address  to  Congress 
on  April  2,  1917] 

We  have  been  patient — ^and  they  named  us  weak; 
We  have  been  silent — and  they  judged  us  meek; 
Now,  in  the  much-abused,  high  name  of  God 
We  speak. 

Oh!  not  with  faltering  or  uncertain  tone — 
With  chosen  words  we  make  our  meaning  known 
That  like  a  great  wind  from  the  West  shall 
shake 

The  double  throne. 

Our  colors  flame  upon  the  topmost  mast; 
We  lift  the  glove  so  arrogantly  cast, 

And  in  the  much-abused,  high  name  of  God 
We  speak  at  last. 

Theodosia  Garrison 


[95] 


(2)  Quotations  for  use  in  speeches 

Some  extracts  from  the  poetry  and  prose  of 
standard  authors  are  included.  The  attention 
of  the  speaker  is  called  to  the  fact  that  a 
speech  is  usually  made  more  interesting  by 
the  use  of  apt  quotations.  Many  of  these 
quotations  can  be  paraphrased  to  fit  exactly 
the  present  war  and  our  part  in  it. 


No  Peace  until  Victory 

Peace!  Peace!  Peace!  do  you  say.'* 
What!  with  the  enemy's  guns  in  our  ears, 
With  the  country's  wrongs  not  rendered  back, — 
What!  while  Austria  stands  at  bay 
In  Mantua  and  in  Venice  wears 
Her  cursed  flag  of  yellow  and  black. 

Elizabeth  Barrett  Browning 

No  terms  except  an  unconditional  and  imme- 
diate surrender  can  be  accepted.  I  propose  to 
move  immediately  upon  your  works. 

U.  S.  Grant 

We  accepted  this  war  for  a  worthy  object — and 
the  war  will  end  when  that  object  is  attained. 
Under  God,  I  hope  it  will  not  end  until  that  time! 
Abraham  Lincoln,  1864 

Fondly  do  we  hope,  fervently  do  we  pray,  that 
this  mighty  sco\jrge  of  war  may  speedily  pass 
away.  Let,  if  God  wills,  that  it  continue,  until 
all  the  wealth  piled  by  the  bondsman's  two 
hundred  and  fifty  years  of  unrequited  toil  shall 
be  sunk  and  until  everv  drop  of  blood  drawTi  with 
i  96  1 


the  lash,  shall  be  paid  with  another  drawn  by  the 
sword,  as  was  said  three  thousand  years  ago,  so 
still  must  it  be  said,  "The  judgments  of  the  Lord 
are  true  and  righteous  altogether." 

Abraham  Lincoln 
Second  Inaugural  Address,  March  4,  1865 

With  malice  toward  none,  with  charity  for  all, 
with  firmness  in  the  right,  as  God  gives  us  to 
see  the  right,  let  us  strive  on  to  finish  the  work 
we  are  in;  to  bind  up  the  nation's  wounds,  to 
care  for  him  who  shall  have  borne  the  battle, 
and  for  his  widow  and  his  orphan — to  do  all  which 
may  achieve  and  cherish  a  just  and  lasting  peace 
among  ourselves  and  witli  all  nations. 

Abraham  Lincoln 


Patriotism 

Those  that  by  their  deeds  will  make  it  known. 

Whose  dignity  they  do  sustain; 

And  life,  state,  glory,  all  they  gain 
Count  the  republic's,  not  their  own. 

Ben  Jonson 

We  join  ourselves  to  no  party  that  does  not  carry 
the  flag  and  keep  step  to  the  music  of  the  l^nion. 

RuFUs  Choate 

I  am  not  a  Virginian,  but  an  American. 

Patrick  Henry 


Our  Country 

Without  a  sign  his  sword  the  brave  man  draws. 
And  asks  no  omen  l)ut  his  country's  cause. 

Homer 

[07] 


The  Fathers  of  America 

While  Franklin's  quiet  memory  climbs  to  Heaven 
Calming  the  lightning  which  he  thence  hath  riven 
Or  drawing  from  the  no  less  kindled  earth 
Freedom  and  peace  to  that  which  boasts  his  birth; 
While  Washington's  a  watchword,  such  as  ne'er 
Shall  sink  while  there's  an  echo  left  to  air. 

Byron 


By  the  rude  bridge  that  arched  the  flood, 
Their  flag  to  April's  breeze  unfurled, 
Here  once  the  embattl'd  farmers  stood, 
And  fired  the  shot  heard  round  the  world. 

Emerson 


Washington 

Yes,  one — the  first — the  last — the  best — 
The  Cincinnatus  of  the  West, 
Whom  envy  dared  not  hate — 
Bequeathed  the  name  of  Washington 
To  make  men  blush  there  was  but  one! 

Byron 


Freedom  Wins 

For  Freedom's  battle,  once  begun    - 

Bequeath'd  from  bleeding  sire  to  son, 

Though  baffled  oft,  is  ever  won.  Byron 

We  must  be  free  or  die  who  speak  the  tongue 
That  Shakespeare  spake,  the  faith  and  morals 

hold 
Which  Milton  held.  Wordsworth 

[98] 


'Tis  Liberty  that  gives  to  fleeting  Life 
Its  lustre  and  perfume; 
And  we  are  slaves  without  it. 

Who  knew  the  season  when  to  take 
Occasion  by  the  hand  and  make 
The  bounds  of  Freedom  wider  yet. 

Tennyson 

Right 

Because  right  is  right. 

To  follow  right 

Were  wisdom  in  the  scorn  of  consequence. 

Tennyson 

Let  us  have  faith  that  right  makes  might;  and  in 
that  faith  let  us  to  the  end,  dare  to  do  our  duty  as 
we  understand  it.  Lincoln 

For  right  is  right,  since  God  is  God, 

And  right  the  day  must  win; 
To  doubt  would  be  disloyalty. 

To  falter  would  be  sin.  F.  W.  Faber 


Service 

Who  would  not  be  that  youth .'^    What  pity  is  it 
That  we  can  die  but  once  to  serve  our  country ! 

Addison 

New  occasions  teach  new  duties. 

Lowell 

Courage 

Cowards  die  many  times  before  their  deaths; 
The  valiant  never  taste  of  death  but  once. 

Julius  C^sar 

[99] 


Soldiers  to  Civilians 
We  fail! 

But  screw  your  courage  to  the  sticking  place, 
And  we'll  not  fail.  Shakespeare 


Unconquerable  France 

What  though  the  field  be  lost? 
All  is  not  lost;   th'  unconquerable  will, 
And  study  of  revenge,  immortal  hate, 
And  courage  never  to  submit  or  yield 
And  what  is  else  not  to  be  overcome. 

Milton 

Britain  s  Spirit 

1.  "The  world  owes  much  to  little  nations  and  to 
little  men.  The  greatest  art  in  the  world  was 
the  work  of  little  nations.  The  greatest  litera- 
ture of  England  came  from  her  when  she  was  a 
nation  the  size  of  Belgium  fighting  a  great 
empire.  Heroic  deeds  that  thrill  humanity 
through  generations  are  the  deeds  of  little 
nations  fighting  for  their  freedom.  Ah,  yes, 
and  the  salvation  of  the  world  came  through  a 
little  nation." — Lloyd  George,  later  Britain's 
Prime  Minister,  September  19,  1914. 

2.  "What  we  and  our  Allies  are  fighting  for  is  a 
free  Europe.  We  want  Europe  free  not  only 
from  the  domination  of  one  nation  by  another 
but  from  the  hectoring  of  diplomacy  and  peril 
of  war;  free  from  constant  rattling  of  the  sword 
in  the  scabbard  and  from  the  perpetual  talk  of 
shining  armor  and  the  war  lord.  .  .  .  We 
are  fighting  for  equal  rights,  for  law,  justice, 
peace  and  for  civilization  throughout  the  world, 

[100] 


as  against  brute  force  which  knows  no  restraint 
and  no  mercy." — Britain's  Foreign  Secretary, 
Sir  Edward  Grey,  June,  1916. 

"We  have  every  reason  for  confidence.  We 
have  none  for  complacency.  Hope  is  the  main- 
spring of  efficiency;  complacency  is  its  rust. 
.  .  .  The  war  is  not  going  to  be  fought 
mainly  on  the  battlefields  of  Belgium  and  Po- 
land .  .  .  [but]  in  the  workshops  of  France 
and  Great  Britain." — Lloyd  George  to  laborers 
at  Bangor,  February  28,  1915. 


Belgium 

Our  country  sinks  beneath  the  yoke; 

It  weeps,  it  bleeds,  and  each  new  day  a  gash 

Is  added  to  her  wounds.  Shakespeare 


Poland's  Freedom 

Hope  for  a  season  bade  the  world  farewell, 
And  freedom  shrieked  when  Kosciusko  fell. 

Campbell 


German  ''Necessity** 

Necessity  is  the  argument  of  tyrants;  it  is  the  creed 
of  slaves.  Willl^m  Pitt 


Ancient  Chivalry  versus  German  Kultur 

O  friends,  be  men,  and  let  your  hearts  be  strong. 

And  let  no  warrior  in  the  heat  of  fight, 

Do  what  may  bring  him  shame  in  others'  eyes. 

HOMEK 

[101] 


Battle  Slogans 

AMERICA 

1.  "There  can  be  no  compromise.  No  halfway 
decision  would  be  tolerable.  No  halfway  de- 
cision is  conceivable.  .  .  .  What  we  seek 
is  the  reign  of  law  based  upon  the  consent  of 
the  governed  and  sustained  by  the  organized 
opinion  of  mankind." — President  Wilson,  Inde- 
pendence Day  Speech  at  Mount  Vernon,  July 
4,  1918. 

2.  "Lafayette,  we  have  come."— General  Persh- 
ing at  tomb  of  Lafayette  in  Paris. 

3.  "The  world  must  be  made  safe  for  democracy. 
Its  peace  must  be  planted  upon  the  tested 
foundations  of  political  liberty."- — President 
Wilson,  War  Message  to  Congress,  April  2, 

•  1917. 

4.  "  We  have  no  selfish  ends  to  serve.  We  desire 
no  conquest,  no  dominion.  We  seek  no  in- 
demnities for  ourselves,  no  material  compensa- 
tion for  the  sacrifices  we  shall  freely  make." — 
President  Wilson,  War  IVIessage. 

5.  "The  right  is  more  precious  than  peace,  and 
we  shall  fight  for  the  things  which  we  have 
always  carried  nearest  our  hearts — for  democ- 
racy, for  the  right  of  those  who  submit  to 
authority  to  have  a  voice  in  their  own  govern- 
ments, for  the  rights  and  liberties  of  small 
nations,  for  a  universal  dominion  of  right  to 
such  a  concert  of  free  peoples  as  shall  bring 
peace  and  safety  to  all  nations  and  make  the 
world  itself  at  last  free." — President  Wilson, 
War  Message. 

[  102] 


GREAT  BRITAIN 

6.  "Carry  on!" — the  British  army's  battle  cry. 

7.  "Every  position  must  be  held  to  the  last  man. 
There  must  be  no  retirement.  ^Yith  our  backs 
to  the  wall  and  believing  in  the  justice  of  our 
cause,  each  of  us  must  fight  to  the  end.  The 
safety  of  our  homes  and  the  freedom  of  man- 
kind depend  alike  on  the  conduct  of  each  one 
of  us  at  this  last  moment." — Britain's  General 
Haig,  April  12,  1918,  "To  all  ranks  of  the 
British  army  in  France,"  after  three  weeks  of 
terrific  German  onslaughts  and  alarming  Ger- 
man gains,  later  checked  because  of  the  British 
army's  response  to  the  foregoing  appeal  and  the 
aid  given  by  French  and  American  soldiers. 

8.  "We  are  fighting  first  to  fulfil  a  solemn  inter- 
national obligation;  secondly,  we  are  fight- 
ing to  vindicate  the  principle  that  small  na- 
tionalities are  not  to  be  crushed  in  defiance  of 
international  good  faith  by  the  arbitrary  will 
of  a  strong  and  overmastering  power." — 
Britain's  Prime  Minister  to  House  of  Com- 
mons, August  6,  1914. 

FRANCE 

9.  "The  hour  has  come  to  advance  at  any  cost 
and  to  die  rather  than  fall  back." — General 
Joffre  to  the  French  army  at  the  Marne,  Sep- 
tember 5,  1914. 

10.  "My  left  has  been  rolled  up;  my  right  has 
been  driven  in;  therefore  I  have  ordered  an 
advance  along  my  center." — General  Foch 
to  his  division  of  the  French  army  at  the  first 
battle  of  the  Marne,  September,  1914. 
[  103  1 


11.  "They  shall  not  pass" — the  slogan  of  the 
French  defense  against  Germany's  terrific  on- 
slaught upon  Verdun,  1916-1917. 

12.  "Just  now  there  is  only  one  policy, — a  relent- 
less fight  until  we  attain  definite  freedom  for 
Europe  by  gaining  a  victory  which  will  guar- 
antee peace. "^ — Prime  Minister  Viviani  to  the 
French  Chamber  of  Deputies,  December  22, 
1914. 


104 


(3)  Short  stories  of  sacrifice  and  heroism 

"Hearts  are  Touching" 
It  was  only  a  little  river,  almost  a  brook;  it  was 
called  the  Yser.  One  would  talk  from  one  side  to 
the  other  without  raising  one's  voice,  and  the 
birds  could  fly  over  it  with  one  sweep  of  their 
wings.  And  on  the  two  banks  there  were  millions 
of  men,  the  one  turned  toward  the  other,  eye  to 
eye.  But  the  distance  which  separated  them  was 
greater  than  the  stars  in  the  sky;  it  was  the  dis- 
tance which  separates  right  from  injustice. 

The  ocean  is  so  vast  that  the  seagulls  do  not 
dare  to  cross  it.  During  seven  days  and  seven 
nights  the  great  steamships  of  America,  going  at 
full  speed,  drive  through  the  deep  waters  before 
the  lighthouses  of  France  come  into  view;  but 
from  one  side  to  the  other  hearts  are  touching. 

Letter  of  a  French  schoolgirl  quoted  by  Dr.  John  Finley 


"Desertion  to  the  Front'* 

Gen.  Pershing  has  been  compelled  to  designate 
a  new  offense  against  the  law  of  soldiers.  That 
offense  is  "desertion  to  the  front." 

It  is  characteristic  of  the  spirit  of  the  American 
army — the  American  nation  in  arms — that  this 
addition  to  the  military  regulations  should  have 
been  found  necessary.  Men  put  to  work  with  pick, 
transit,  rod  and  shovel  back  of  the  firing  line  were 
found  to  be  deserting.  The  intelligence  depart- 
ment, after  looking  into  this  apparent  revelation 
of  moral  obliquity,  discovered  that  these  men  were 
deserting  to  the  front;  that  they  had  dropped  the 
implements  of  engineering  and  of  labor  for  the 
rifle,  the  hand  grenade  and  the  bayonet  in  the 
trenches. 

\  105  1 


"Desertion  to  the  front"  is  good.  It  is  Ameri- 
can. It  reveals  the  American  will  to  victory  more 
clearly  than  any  event  or  incident  since  we  went 
into  the  war. — ^New  York  Globe,  Editorial. 


Following  are  given  some  extracts  from  "  Stars 
and  Stripes,"  the  newspaper  published  in 
France  by  the  American  Expeditionary  Forces : 

A  Soldier's  Heart 

From  "Stars  and  Stripes"  of  July  19,  1918 

Another  fortunate  little  child  gained  a  very  distin- 
guished godfather.  He  was  given  the  Croix  de 
Guerre  for  heroic  work  in  an  American  ambulance 
unit  at  Verdun,  and  he  won  the  D.  S.  C.  a  few 
weeks  ago  when,  although  wounded  when  a  shell 
wrecked  his  ambulance  and  later  gassed,  he  re- 
fused to  stop  his  work  of  succoring  the  wounded. 
He  was  in  the  hospital  and  received  the  decora- 
tions a  few  days  ago,  and,  just  to  observe  the  oc- 
casion contributed  500  francs  for  the  support  of 
a  French  orphan,  "Credit  it  to  my  mother,"  he 
instructed,  "and  list  it  as  Pawhusko,  Okla.  That's 
where  she  lives,  and  don't  use  my  name." 

An  Old  Lady's  Bit 

Editorial  "Stars  and  Stripes"  June  21,  1918 

She  is  an  old,  or  at  least,  an  elderly  woman. 
The  place  where  she  lives  is  a  particularly  ugly 
little  American  manufacturing  to^Ti;  its  inhabi- 
tants are  largely  what  we  used  to  call  foreigners. 
The  state  has  been  helping  her  for  many  years. 
It  was  not  much,  but  that  monthly  allowance, 
[  106  ] 


which  she  called  for  regularly  at  the  office  of  the 
City  clerk,  was  the  slender  thread  that  kept  both 
ends  of  life  together. 

When  she  paid  her  April  call,  the  City  clerk 
reached  for  his  books  and  began  to  go  through 
with  the  monthly  formula. 

But,  "Please,"  she  said,  "I  don't  think  I  need 
the  money  any  more,  sir.  My  circumstances  have 
improved;  I'm  working  and  I  think  the  Govern- 
ment needs  the  money  more  than  I  do." 


How  Fred  Blakeley  Helps 

"Stars  and  Stripes"  June  14,  1918 

In  a  West  Virginia  mining  town,  one  Fred  Blakeley 
is  knowTi  as  the  man  who  loaded  more  tons  of  coal 
in  a  day  than  any  other  man  in  the  state.  That 
means  something  in  a  year,  when  the  miners  are 
determined  that  the  earth  shall  yield  for  the  Allies 
more  than  it  ever  did  before.  Fred  is  stoking  for 
the  A.  E.  F.  He  is  dog  tired  at  night,  but  some- 
how he  has  managed  every  week  to  knit  a  sweater 
for  some  soldier  in  France. 


[  107 


VIII 

Figures 

(1)  The  Cost  of  the  War  and  Statistics 
on  War  Debts 

The  sum  of  $19,000,000,000  is  almost  incom- 
prehensible. But  the  estimated  expenditures 
of  the  United  States  Government  for  the  year 
ending  July  30,  1918  (exclusive  of  loans  to 
the  Allies),  were  in  round  numbers  $13,000,- 
000,000  and  the  estimated  amounts  to  be 
loaned  by  the  United  States  to  the  Allies  were 
in  round  numbers  $6,000,000,000.  ^ 

The  total  estimated  disbursements  for  the 
fiscal  year  1917-18  thus  reached  the  sum  of 
approximately  $19,000,000,000.  The  actual 
expenses  will  be  somewhat  less  than  the  amount 
of  the  estimate  because  the  industries  of  the 
country  will  not,  within  the  current  fiscal  year, 
complete  all  the  goods  appropriated  for.  But 
the  actual  expenditures  cannot  yet  be  exactly 
determined,  and  reference  to  the  estimated 
expenditures  (which  for  the  reason  stated  are 
subject  to  deduction) ,  is  sufficient  for  the  pur- 
pose in  hand. 

The  total  expenses  of  the  United  States 
from  1791,  almost  the  date  of  organization 
of  the  Government,  to  January  1,  1917  (or  a 

^  See  Annual  report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  sub- 
mitted to  Congress,  December  3,  1917. 

[108] 


period  of  126  years),  including  the  cost  of  the 
Civil  War,  were  only  $20,000,000,000,  or  a 
trifle  over  1.3  more  than  the  estimated  ex- 
penses for  one  year  of  the  present  war. 

The  total  cost  of  the  Civil  War,  which  lasted 
four  years,  was  in  round  numbers  $3,400,000,- 
000,  or  less  than  one-fifth  of  the  estimated 
expenses  of  the  United  States  in  one  year  of 
the  current  war. 

The  cost  of  the  Napoleonic  wars  from  1793 
to  1819  for  England,  France  and  Russia,  has 
been  estimated  by  the  Treasury  Department 
at  only  $6,700,000,000,  or  a  Httle  more  than 
one-third  of  the  estimated  expenses  of  the 
United  States  for  the  current  year.  The  cost 
of  all  the  wars  in  the  world,  to  all  the  princi- 
pal powers  involved,  from  1793  to  the  out- 
break of  the  present  war  (or  a  period  of  121 
years),  is  estimated  at  something  less  than 
$25,000,000,000,  or  only  about  one-third  more 
than  the  estimated  expenses  of  the  United 
States  for  this  fiscal  year. 


[109] 


Estimated  Total  Wealth 
Germany  $80,000,000,000 


France 
Great  Britain 
United  States 


60,000,000,000 

60,000,000,000 

250,000,000,000 


Before  the  War 
Germany         $1,165,000,000 
France 
Great  Britain 
Italy 
Austria- 
Hungary        3,985,000,000 
United  States    1,208,000,000 


Public  Debt 

1917-1918 

$30,000,000,000  July,  1918 

6,598,000,000      22,000,000,000  Dec,  19 17 

3,458,000,000      27,636,000,000  Feb.,  1918 

2,792,000,000       6,676,000,000  Dec,  19 17 


19,018,000,000  Dec,1917 
12,000,000,000  July,  1918 


Ratio  of  Debt  to  Total  Wealth 


Germany 
France 
Great  Britain 
United  States 


37% 

37% 

45% 

5% 


Approximate  Per  Capita  Debt 


Germany 

$450 

France 

550 

Great  Britain 

600 

Italy 

190 

Austria 

380 

United  States 

115 

[  110 


On  the  basis  of  population  we  shall  have  to 
increase  our  debt  from  $12,000,000,000  to  al- 
most $50,000,000,000  to  equal  the  debt  of 
Germany. 

If  we  were  carrying  a  national  debt  in  the 
same  proportion  to  our  estimated  wealth  as 
England  or  France  or  Germany,  it  would 
amount  to  90  billion  dollars  or  over.  Yet  the 
bonds  of  both  France  and  England  have  al- 
ways been  regarded  as  gilt-edged  securities. 

What  Our  Money  Has  Done 

Loans  to  the  Allies  up  to  July  27,  1918 


Belgium 

$145,250,000 

France 

1,765,000,000 

Great  Britain 

3,345,000,000 

Greece 

15,790,000 

Italy 

760,000,000 

Russia 

325,000,000 

Serbia 

9,000,000 

The  nations  which  since  1914  have  declared 
war  against  one  or  all  of  the  Central  Powers, 
— Germany,  Austria-Hungary,  Turkey  and 
Bulgaria, — are  the  following:  Serbia,  Russia, 
France,  Great  Britain,  Belgium,  Montenegro, 
Japan,  Italy,  San  Marino,  Portugal,  Rou- 
mania,  Greece,  United  States,  Cuba,  Panama, 
Nicaragua,  Siam,  Liberia,  China,  Brazil, 
Guatemala. 

[1111 


(2)  What  your  Bonds  have  bought 

The  money  which  wise  and  patriotic  Ameri- 
cans invested  in  the  First,  Second  and  Third 
Loans  has  fought  for  them  in  glorious  fashion. 
Out  of  that  money  the  Government  has  built 
16  huge  cantonments,  the  total  cost  of  which 
was  over  $141,000,000.  This  money  has  been 
used  to  raise  and  equip  an  army  of  3,000,000 
men  at  a  cost  of  over  $15,000,000  merely  for 
the  process  of  changing  civilians  into  soldiers. 
It  cost  $4.93  per  man  to  draft  our  armies. 

Your  money  has  transported  an  army  of  a 
million  and  a  half  men  across  3000  miles  of 
ocean.  It  has  equipped  them  with  rifles  at  a 
cost  of  $7,500,000  per  month;  with  clothing 
at  an  initial  cost  of  about  $100  per  soldier; 
with  barrack  bags,  bedsacks,  and  blankets  at 
a  cost  of  $10.62  per  soldier.  It  has  built  ships 
at  a  cost  of  from  $1,500,000  to  $5,000,000  each 
to  carry  them  overseas.  It  has  built  docks, 
and  railroads  and  trucks  and  airplanes  and 
tanks  and  big  guns  to  help  send  them  forward 
to  Victory. 

Altogether  your  money  has  made  possible 
the  greatest  military  phenomenon  in  history, 
— the  changing  of  a  peaceful,  practically  un- 
armed nation  in  sixteen  months  into  the  most 
powerful  war  machine  ever  built — a  feat  un- 
paralleled in  the  history  of  the  world. 

What  this  army,  raised,  equipped,  trans- 
ported, trained  and  fed  with  your  money,  has 
[112] 


:  SUUIHtHN  HtUIUNAL  LIBHAHY  HACILITY 


A    000  938  694    7 
already  done  on  the  battlefield  is  a  page  of 
history  engraved  on  the  heart  of  every  Ameri- 
can.   It  is  a  record  that  will  live  forever. 


(3)  Make  your  dollars  fight 
The  huge  machine  which  we  have  built  up 
must  be  maintained.  The  money  you  invest 
in  the  Fourth  Liberty  Loan  is  to  feed  our 
Army,  which  is  destined  to  grow  to  5,000,000; 
to  transport  as  many  troops  again  as  have 
been  sent;  to  supply  them  with  arms,  ammu- 
nition, artillery  and  all  the  various  equipment 
which  they  need,  to  win. 

One  $50  Bond  will  send  1000  S"  trench 
mortar  shells  on  their  way,  or  provide  bursting 
charge  for  100  3"  trench  mortar  shells  or 
110  hand  grenades,  or  will  buy  two  rifles  or 
knives,  forks,  and  spoons  for  a  company  of 
soldiers. 

One  $100  Bond  will  provide  bursting  charge 
of  T.  N.  T.  for  one  14"  high  explosive  shell, 
or  condiment  (salt,  pepper,  vinegar,  etc.)  ca' 
for  three  companies  of  soldiers. 

Two  $100  bonds  will  provide  5,000  mt 
chine  gun  cartridges. 

One  $500  bond  will  provide  two  machine 
guns  or  300  steel  helmets. 

One  $1000  bond  will  provide  one  16"  shell, 
ready  to  fire. 

Ten  $1000  bonds  will  provide  20,000  rifle 
grenades. 

[113] 


Five  hundred  $1000  bonds  will  provide  an 
amount  of  powder  equal  to  one  day's  output 
of  one  of  the  Government  powder  plants. 

The  armies  raised  with  your  money  have 
fought  and  are  fighting  with  a  spirit,  a  dash, 
and  unconquerable  determination  that  has 
aroused  the  admiration  of  the  world. 

Keep  them  fighting  to  win. 

Every  Bond  you  buy  puts  weapons  in  their 
hands. 

Lend  the  way  they  fight. 

Buy  Bonds  to  your  Utmost. 


114 


